| From the LA Anarchist Weekly blog:
On Saturday February 13th 2010, some friends and I organized an Anarchist Picnic at Memorial Park in Sierra Madre. We scheduled the event to be from Noon to 5 PM and organized it as a potluck with a few workshops/discussions and acoustic performances.
We organized the event for a number of reasons. First, we wanted to initiate monthly anarchist events in the town where the majority of us, the organizers, live. Second, we wanted to see how many local anarchists we could bring out and discover. Third, we wanted to start building an anarchist movement in the area. And fourth, we wanted to find people that we could develop tight affinities with so we could pursue bigger and greater projects and activities. It was for all these reasons that we decided to choose the medium of an Anarchist Picnic and promote it as an event to bring together local and not-so-local anarchists and the anarcho-curious. |
 |
We (the organizers) showed up a little before noon and secured a spot in the park. We set up a table for food and a table for literature and brought some large comfortable bed sheets to lay on. We put out anarchist literature and attached a sign reading "Welcome to the Anarchist Picnic" to one of the tables . After we set up, it wasn't until 12:30 - 12:45 that a few people showed up and by the time the first workshop started, there were about seven people total.
Around 1 PM Sean, an organizer of the event, facilitated the first workshop and discussion titled "So You Think You're NOT An Anarchist?". He had designed the workshop particularly as an introduction to anarchism and for the anarcho-curious. He started the workshop by asking the attendants what their impression of anarchism was and what some of the popular stereotypes of anarchism were. One person said "When I think of anarchism I think of disorder and chaos". Another said, "To me anarchism is living a healthy sane life and seizing complete freedom while taking up full responsibility and accountability,". Participants remarked that the stereotypes and images portrayed in the media were of bomb-throwers and terrorists and Sean talked about how these images are created to make anarchism a taboo and breed ignorance.
Sean then asked participants if they identified as an anarchist and why or why not. (At this point in the discussion the number of people at the event doubled to more than a dozen.) A majority of folks identified as an anarchist saying similar statements of how, in essence, they believe in the cause of anarchism and want to see it through to fruition. However, there were a couple people who didn't. One person said, "I believe in anarchism but I won't be an anarchist until I live in a world without money or government". Another said they didn't because their impression of anarchism was of "disorder and violence". And another person declined to identify as an anarchist but affirmed that they had "anarchist tendencies".
The facilitator then asked people what they felt most bothered and coerced by in society. One person replied that they hated how, in a capitalist society, the majority of things we actually enjoy doing have no value. Someone else talked about how they felt oppressed growing up in a family embedded with capitalist values and how oppression starts at home where you learn to (mis)communicate and relate to people and the world around you. Another person commented on how they disliked the fact that boxes of food go to waste for not meeting food appearance standards like having a scratch or mark and that we have to pay for necessities like food.
After a round of answers, Sean then asked what people would like to see in their ideal society. During this question the conversation expanded onto other somewhat related topics but one participant at the beginning said they'd like to see a world where education is de-institutionalized and we learn by doing or seeing what other people are doing. Someone else said they would like to start living in their ideal society by living with close friends that are like-minded and share ideals of anarchism and from there move forward. Another talked about looking at traditional societies in the past and learning from their ways of organizing society so we can make a difference now. From here the conversation spread and went somewhat off topic with people talking about traditional societies and different examples of the ways they lived and organized. Eventually the conversation was reigned in when someone reminded everyone that many traditional societies had some form of tribal council and that a majority of them were run by males. Sean took this opportunity to conclude the conversation, announcing a 15 minute break before Bella gave her workshop/class on Female Fertility for Men & Women. At this point in time there were about twenty people engaged in the event, taking literature, sharing food, and mingling.
After the break, Bella brought out a drawing board with a sample fertility chart drawn enlarged on the board. Bella, also an organizer of the event, began her class on Female Fertility using the zine "Fertility Awareness for Non-Invasive Birth Control". Unfortunately, as she began between five to ten people left, a majority of them female, though a few people simultaneously arrived. Despite this change up, Bella went forward teaching everyone how to use a female fertility chart. She taught everything from the symbols, to what each column and table represented as well as how to check your cervical fluid, take your temperature, and check the position of your cervix. She also taught how to see where your pre-ovulatory, fertile, and post-ovulatory phase are, when your most likely to get pregnant and the four rules to guide you in your quest to get or not get pregnant.
Admittedly, the majority of people attending her class were males and while half seemed interested, the other half were fighting to stay attentive. However, the females that were present were very attentive and asked questions to clarify certain topics and learn more on the subject. As she wrapped up she let everyone know she had a box full of the "Fertility Awareness" zines for free and that the zine explained more deeply and thoroughly everything she discussed. After a couple more clarifying questions, another 15 minute break was announced and there was an exchange of some more people leaving and others coming in. At this point there were about twenty people present.
After the break, Bella and I facilitated a workshop/discussion titled "Towards a Fresh Revolution". The idea behind the workshop was to engage all the participants and brainstorm about different projects happening now in Los Angeles and that we wanted to see happen in relation to making another world possible. While doing so we would analyze the obstacles that were stopping us from making these things possible in a way to provide some type of concrete solutions so we could move forward with a "fresh" perspective. In the past we had facilitated this discussion at an Anarchist Cafe at Windchime House and the outcome was amazing.
I started by being open about the intentions and goals of the workshop and first asked the question, "What projects are happening now in LA that people feel are contributing towards making another world possible?". Food Not Bombs, Catholic Worker, Anarchy Archives, Copwatch LA, and the Hyde Park 1/2 were a couple projects and activities mentioned. In all about a dozen different projects were named. Then Bella asked "What are projects or activities you would like to see in your ideal world?". From here the discussion got a little tense as people named all sorts of different things, some of which through my own misunderstanding I felt uncomfortable putting up on the board because I didn't feel they represented my ideal world or some of the participants'. Some of the projects/activities mentioned were apprenticeships, community gardens, de-institutionalized health care, no cars, animal liberation, free public transportation, and no wifi.
After numerous activities/projects were mentioned, the next question we asked was "What are obstacles to making those projects and activities a reality?". Some of the obstacles mentioned were social stigmas, patriarchy, law enforcement, 40 hour work weeks, Obama and the spectacle of democracy, money or lack of, capitalism, institutionalized education and rent. After we came up with a whole display board full of obstacles, Bella analyzed all three of the question and answer sequences by focusing on the lack of communication between anarchists, anti-authoritarians and radicals in LA, as well as our own personal internal dynamics that have stopped us from making our wildest dreams a reality. She talked about the unspoken dress code policy, the ageism and generational gaps, and the tendencies to communicate only with those you have strong affinities with. She stressed that there's nothing wrong with having a bias towards people who agree with you but that we need to learn how to work and communicate with those who don't agree with us 100 percent and to view them as allies. After she finished speaking, a discussion was sparked where participants shared their own experiences in the anarchist movement not just in LA but all over California.
After the discussion died down, we ended the workshop with another 15 minute break followed by musical performances. There were now about twenty to twenty-five people present. The first musician to play was Jim Ramirez. He played classical guitar and had an experimental folk indie style to his music. He played four songs of resistance and revolution, the first about his struggle to find his own unique identity and culture aside from the Western American one sold to us and the last one about a fallen friend who died young but believed in revolution.
The next performer was MSelasco. He also played classical guitar but had a Spanish/Latin American folk style to his music. Almost every song he played and sang was in Spanish and related to anarchism or freedom. Some of the songs were Argentine anarchist folk songs or poems he turned into songs. For a couple of his last songs a friend of his (lover?) joined him in playing second guitar and singing, particularly for the classic songs "Bandera Negra" and "Bella Ciao".
The last performer was Dustin or The Galen Gun. He played a steel resonator guitar and his music style was of a folk blues variety. He played numerous songs, some folk and some his own all in a laid back blues style. Once he finished the event was over and folks mingled for about thirty minutes, exchanging contact information, their opinions of the event and their excitement for the next Anarchist Picnic. As people took off we packed our things and called it a day.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Overall I think the event was a great start towards accomplishing the goals we set out for ourselves. I'm actually surprised there was no police interference not only because the park is in downtown Sierra Madre and RIGHT next to City Hall and the Police Department, but because Sierra Madre Police has a reputation for having almost nothing to do and instigating incidents. I'm also pleasantly surprised about the amount of local anarchists and anarcho-curious who showed up. I'm also really happy about distributing nearly one hundred pieces of anarchist literature.
To me, Sean's workshop had the most interesting dialogue going on between participants and was well suited to engage people in talking about basic anarchist topics. Bella's class was great and well-presented but I don't think it was much appreciated. I wish there would've been more females present for her class but perhaps, in hindsight, she should've saved the class for a later Anarchist Picnic. I'm glad though that people took about twenty copies of the zine she based her class off.
Regarding the "Towards a Fresh Revolution" discussion, initially I was pretty disappointed about the outcome. Compared to the way the discussion went in the past, it was pretty dull, slow, and awkward. When we facilitated the discussion at Windchime it was very fucking explosive with a whole room of people actually transforming like a vortex and talking seriously about squatting, occupying, and amazing anarchist projects. Upon further reflection, I forgot a crucial but small question to throw in and misworded the second question, while in turn relaying Bella to ask that miscommunicated question. By miswording the question, I set up a "versus" situation and tension between people's ideal worlds whereas the question should've focused on intermediate steps, projects, and activities people would like to take towards making that other world possible. Instead of a "versus" situation it would've set up an "and" situation where activities could work together. Perhaps too, like Bella's class, we should've saved this discussion for a later Anarchist Picnic when people would've known each other better and felt more comfortable to scheme about activities.
Other than that, it was pretty amazing. For putting a lot of time and energy into promoting it all over Sierra Madre, online, and in local newspapers it was well worth the effort.
On an ending note, there was some drama between us and the Pasadena Weekly and we will be having a friend write a full expose on what went down so be on the look out for that.
Till next month's Anarchist Picnic,
cruz
(For comments, criticism, suggestions, or article submissions go to laanarchist.blogspot.com or e-mail laanarchist@riseup.net)
is there really no struggle
is there really no struggle or tension going on in your area that you feel the need to invent a radical movement out of whole cloth?
Wow, so now we're
Wow, so now we're criticizing other anarchists for trying to stir things up locally? What exactly is ok to do in your estimation? You're not allowed to try to promote anarchist politics where you live? Only those places that magically and organically without organizing or propaganda sprout an anarchist movement are allowed to act in any way? Criticism and analysis is great, but 90 percent of the criticism on this site is so petty and unconstructive.
exactly, criticism and
exactly, criticism and analysis are great and that's why anarchists should apply them to what is happening in their local area. not go around knocking on people's doors like jehova's witnesses going "excuse me, have you heard of ANARCHISM?" that's not stirring shit up. that's advertising an ideological package.
Hmm. Door to door. We should
Hmm. Door to door. We should try that. Have you accepted chaos into your heart?
It can be nice to meet new
It can be nice to meet new people who consider themselves anarchists, or who are interested in becoming active within a scene, in my experience events like this have been a step in the wrong direction.
Constructing a movement based on an existential identity rather than shared conditions, desires, or other material interests is bound to fail. It will lack any real binding power, and really, is that all you want to be? A group of kids who existentially decide they're into anarchy?
Events like this are a notoriously bad way to meet new comrades, or anyone you would ever consider taking any sort of illicit action with. The comment about scheming might sound cool, but it's bad news. If you are not familiar with the case of Eric McDavid or the larger Green Scare, please acquaint yourself with the matter; it is in your best interest.
This is a really good talk by Barry Pateman about his views on and experiences with class, community, and anarchism. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cPOUgxicjvo
My biggest fear for your group organizing yourselves like this, as the poster above said "inventing a radical movement out of whole cloth" is that you're dooming yourselves to creating a scene of kids who like the same aesthetics but lack any shared conditions, direction, or desires. And that shit just sucks.
hey brennus, thanks for the
hey brennus,
thanks for the constructive criticism.
i also thank the commenter above you, despite the harsh tone.
I don't know if either of you have lived in Los Angeles but having
grown up in different parts of LA, you begin to see that while there
are many tensions and struggles going on all throughout the county,
no one cares. There is no movement, there is nothing. There is only
reformism and those who would gladly turn you over to the cops to
get arrested for even thinking, let alone, speaking aloud about
escalating tensions.
Yes, there have been some exceptions (see: The South Central Farm)
but by and large there is no movement, just a scattered group of
individuals who travel far and wide to each other's events, protests, etc.
It's interesting that you talk about constructing a movement based on a pale identity
because my experience in LA, prior to making things happen with my friends is that almost
EVERYTHING relating to anarchism or struggle over here is about Identity. The only times
I've seen it differ and become diverse and fluid are at the events we've hosted. Our focus
is on fighting where we stand and making things happen wherever you may live, work, or go to school.
We're not interested in having people drive 20 to 50 miles away to come to our events. We're interested in those who are down locally in the same city and area to come out, talk to us and each other and begin working to change our conditions from there.
I can't believe I forgot to mention in the article that there were children, teenagers, twenty to thirty year old folks, as well as way older folks present throughout the entire event. There was only one kid who wore a patch and remotely resembled anything like the "punk anarchist" stereotype.
Obviously we don't think monthly anarchist social events are the "answer" and "solution", to us they are really a very small part of building a movement but essential. Especially in such an alienating city like Los Angeles.
- cruz
Yea definitely you're in a
Yea definitely you're in a better position to judge what fits your context & goals than I do. I think we have a similar set up really, though. In Modesto the only semblance of any anarchist movement is what our group has built. There is no "radical" culture outside of a small group of vegans and fixies (less than 10), and some queer yuppies. Generalizations, yes, but true. Modesto is not a politically active city (very, very apathetic), and the closest thing we have to a radical history is some traveling I-dub speeches a hundred years ago and some lightweight Cesár Chavez. It resembles southern california much more than it does the Bay in demographics, construction, economy, politics and more.
It's tight that you're base of organizing is with your friends. Fighting where you stand is tight. I guess to distill what my real point is, and taking into account Pateman's great advice, is that cooler things tend to arise from looking outward than in. Really most of what we could call our political allies here are not anarchists (or even activists) per se, but we share a hell of a lot in common with via shared experience, shared conditions, shared enemies, etc. People we've met through intervening in local struggles, through action. Some of us used to spend a lot of time on events like Anarchist Cafés where our main goal was to get people involved in our group to do Food Not Bombs (which is funny, 'cos the main benefit our group saw in our FNB program was recruiting more people into our group) and other similar projects. Much, much more interesting interactions and relationships have emerged from looking outward, trying to intervene in the struggles around us and hook up with other people who (rather than identifying as anarchists) face the misery of capitalist relations. I mean really if you want a movement against capital, what better way than to find those who are most disenfranchised by it and fan the flames?
It's tight also to see more and more things coming out of SoCal. Expecting more good stuff! I'm mostly just trying to offer things to think about from my own experiences. Hope there's some stuff you can take away from it!
You know what's really
You know what's really tight?
Saying tight every sentence. I mean.. that's TIGHT.
Brennus, I understand your
Brennus,
I understand your points and agree with you.
Like I said before, to us these events are a
very small but crucial part of building an
anarchist movement.
The article is just a snapshot of something we planned
and despite all the criticism here, constructive or not, I
don't take it to heart because I understand how easily things
can be taken out of context.
Anyway, I'm pleasantly surprised about the amount of comments
people posted here. It's pretty interesting.
This will also be my last comment here. Ciao.
- cruz
Dittoooooo
Dittoooooo
so how do you know the other
so how do you know the other anarchists you know, brennus? met 'em on the factory floor, eh?
No I meet them all at dance
No I meet them all at dance parties.
oh, so everyone you go to
oh, so everyone you go to dance parties with are co-workers or fellow students or live in the same rental apartments as you? or what material conditions/situations exactly bind you together with all those you struggle along side of, whom you apparently meet at dance parties?
you ideological fantasy of anarchists only working with people who we exist in the same material situation as sounds great, but we both it ain't reality. so how about not castigating people for trying to find anarchists to organize with?
The point isn't really about
The point isn't really about criticizing people, the point is to offer up that some of us have tried very similar things in the past and found them to be useless to our purposes, and hoping that other people can take something away from that. Read my other comment for a little bit about political allies or who we organize with I guess. I'm not going quite as far as Pateman in saying that anarchists should never talk to each other, but we definitely shouldn't be each others' main focus. For awhile a group in Seattle called Team Victory had this bi-weekly Anarchism 101 workshop, which mostly consisted of a college kid who learned about anarchism through wikipedia trying to explain Bakunin, Goldman, and Kropotkin to other college kids who subscribed to a very similar subculture, with the apparent attempt at getting them to become interested in anarchism as an ideology. This is just so very silly. I mean what is your goal? To amass a number of people who existentially identify as anarchists? Or to build the relationships which will allow you to further the fight against capital?
p.s. I maintain that dance parties are tight ways to meet rad people. At least some of the sexiest ways.
I call Bullshit
I call Bullshit Brennus.
"some of us have tried very similar things in the past and found them to be useless to our purposes"
where did this "some of us" arise from? anarchists who found each other i am guessing.
i get what you are saying, but what you don't get is that your proposal is step #2, and step #1 is meeting other anarchists who can be a crew of people who will be on the same page and all intervene in struggles together.
unless you go out and try to intervene in struggles alone all the time? is that case? most people won't do anything like trying to intervene in points of tension alone, because it is boring, feels awkward, is lonely, makes you feel like a wingnut, etc... etc....
you, and anyone else who "looks outward" all already have have crews. you are on step #2, and criticizing others for taking step #1, which is a necessary step to GET TO step #2.
and this is the problem as i see it. am i wrong?
I realise that anarchists'
I realise that anarchists' favourite activity is criticizing what other anarchists do, but really? Criticizing someone for holding an anarchist picnic? So negative...
totally, we should all just
totally, we should all just jerk each other off all the time and never think any thoughts too loudly that might offend someone! i mean, taht's what Anarchy Club is all about, right? not thinking too hard about what we're doing?
Who's offended? This isn't
Who's offended? This isn't offensive, it's just needlessly negative. And it doesn't even make any sense.
ORGANIZE
PROTEST
INSURRECT
It's all good, baby! Except sitting on the computer being negative... That's no good.
Another said, "To me
Another said, "To me anarchism is living a healthy sane life and seizing complete freedom while taking up full responsibility and accountability,".
There's that false sense of hypocritical-entitlement that goes along with being an anarchy-fag.
Why was there no workshop on how to lose your spine when you end up in front of a judge? You need to teach newbie anarchy- awesomehow to survive in prison by doing time with snitches and child molestors.
troll baby, you're a
troll baby, you're a genius.
say the same thing enough and you think someone will care.
keep wasting your time.
ok
ok
The following text is the
The following text is the translation of what Nikos Maziotis said to the court during his trial which took place on the 5th to 7th of July 1999 in Athens, Greece. He was convicted and given a 15-year prison sentence for ‘attempted explosion with danger for human lives’ and ‘possession of guns and explosives’ for his action of placing a bomb in the Ministry of Industry and Development on December 12, 97, in solidarity with the revolt of the villages in Strymonikos against the installation of a gold metallurgy by multinational company TVX GOLD. During the trial he again supported his choices politically, as he did from the beginning when he had sent a letter from prison with which he took responsibility of the action against the Ministry. Though he never accepted the charges the state was accusing him of, as revolutionary acts cannot be described in terms of the penal code. In that sense, this trial was not a typical procedure of convicting someone who pleads ‘guilty’ but it turned into a political confrontation as much between Nikos and his prosecutors, as between his comrades, anarchists and revolutionaries and the state and its mechanisms. This confrontation was strongly supported by the presence of comrades from Sardinia (Costantino Cavalleri), Italy (Alfredo Bonanno) and France (Hellyette Bess) who testified in the court in solidarity with Nikos and by the letters sent in support by the imprisoned militants of Action Directe, France, by the ABC of Barcelona and by other anarchist groups from Spain. All these together, along with the presence inside and outside the court of anarchist comrades and of course the speech of Nikos Maziotis against his prosecutors, gave a sense of the international struggle for freedom and of solidarity with all the people in revolt, with all prisoners captured in moments of the social and class war against the state and the capital.
First, I do not intend to pretend to be the ‘good guy’ here when I was forced to come. I will not apologize for anything, because I do not consider myself a criminal. I am a revolutionary. I have nothing to repent. I am proud of what I have done. The only thing I regret is the technical error that was made so the bomb didn’t explode, so that my fingerprint was found on it later and I ended up here. This is the only thing I repent.
You must keep in mind that although you are judges and sitting higher than me, many times the revolutionaries, and myself specifically, have judged you long before you judge me. We are in opposite camps, hostile camps.
The revolutionaries and revolutionary justice -because I don’t believe that this court is justice, it’s the word justice in quotation marks- many times judge their enemies more mercilessly, when they get the chance to impose justice. I will begin from many years ago. We don’t have any crime of mine to judge here. On the contrary, we will talk about crimes, but not mine. We will talk about the crimes of the State, of its mechanisms, of justice and police crimes...
The biggest lie of all time is that the State is society. I think Nietzsche has also said that the State lies. We are opposed to the division of society into classes, we are against a separation between those who give orders and others who obey orders. This authoritarian structure penetrates the whole of society and it is this structure that we want to destroy. Either with peaceful or with violent means, even with guns. I have no problem with that.
I will contradict my brother who said before, that he didn’t want the guns in order to make war. They were for war. Maybe they were just kept there. But guns are for war, you don’t just have them to keep them at home. I might have kept them as they were, but they are to make war and I make war... The bomb in the ministry was an act of war.
Our purpose, within the anti-State and anti-capitalist struggle, is to connect ourselves with different social struggles. Our purpose when interfering in these struggles is also to attempt to make things reach the edge, which means to culminate with the conflict of these social parts with the State and the police. To urge the people fighting to surpass the institutional frames, the trade-unions, the local administrations and all these manipulators who are enemies of human freedom. Many comrades of mine, with their small forces, were engaged in such struggles. I will tell you about them more specifically. In 1989, in a struggle of environmental interest in the village of Aravissos, the residents of the area didn’t want their water sources to be exploited by the Water Company of Thessaloniki. They clashed with the police and the riot police, they burnt water pumps, they set fires and put up barricades. And some of our comrades from Thessaloniki took part in this struggle and they were even arrested….
Generally, wherever there are disturbances, there are conflicts we want to be in. To subvert things. For us, this is not a crime. In a real sense, these disturbances are the ‘popular sovereignty’ that professional politicians keep talking about. That’s where freedom is expressed...
Now let’s talk about the struggle of the people in Strymonikos. Long before I placed the bomb, other comrades had been to the villages, they had been talking with the people there, they had published a brochure about this revolt, about the clashes in October of 1996. But I will talk more specifically about the struggle in Strymonikos in a little while. First, I want to talk exclusively about the action.
To tell the truth, I was inspired to place this bomb for a specific reason: The people of the villages had surpassed the limits, by themselves. If it was a struggle inside institutional frames, in the way that trade unions and local administrations try to keep these struggles restricted, if it was confined in a mild, harmless and not dangerous protest, maybe I wouldn’t have done anything.
But the comrades up there in the villages -who are not anarchists of course, but I don’t care about that, they are citizens who also want their freedom- had surpassed every limit. They had conflicts with the police three times -in the 17th of October 1996, in the 25th of July ’97 and in November 9 ’98-, they had set fire to police cars and riot police vans, they had burnt machinery belonging to TVX, they had invaded in the mines of Olympiada and destroyed part of the installations. Some of them also became a sort of guerrilla. In the nights, they were going out with guns, shooting in the air to frighten the policemen. And I thought, these people are cool, they’ve gone even further than us. And then repression followed, especially in ’97 when marshal law was imposed in the area.
The Chief of Police in Halkidiki gave an order according to which all gatherings and demonstrations were forbidden. They also sent special police units and police tanks, which came in the streets for the first time since 1980. And now they were sending them out again there, in the villages of Halkidiki. So, I thought, we must do something here, in Athens. It is not possible that the others are under repression and we here staying passive.
The ministry of Industry and Development, in Papadiamadopoulou and Michalakopoulou streets, was one of the centers of this case. The struggle in Strymonikos was a struggle against ‘development’, against ‘modernization’ and all this crap they keep saying. What is hidden behind all these expressions is the profits of multinationals, the profits of ‘our own’ capitalists, Greek capitalists, the profits of states’ officials, of the Greek state, of the bureaucrats, of all those who take the money, of technical companies... There is no relation between this ‘development’ and ‘modernization’ they are talking about and the covering of popular needs. No relation at all. So, I placed a bomb.
The purpose was the one I said in the letter with which I took responsibility for the action. In the passage of February ’98 I say: in placing the explosive device my purpose was to send a double political message. Everything is political. Even if you use such means, the messages are political. War itself is a means of political pressure. In this case, this was also a
political means, a political practice.
First of all, it was a message to the people of Strymonikos that ‘you are not alone, there are also others who may live 600 km away from you but they care’. Not for personal reasons... I don’t know anyone from there personally. Other comrades know people from there. I haven’t even been there. It was not my house that was threatened, but this is not the point.
Simply, my principle, and generally the principle of the anarchists and of other non-anarchist revolutionaries is that social freedom is one and inseparable. So, if freedom is partially offended, in essence it is offended as a whole. If their freedom is offended, mine is offended too. Their war will be my war, especially in an area where the ‘sovereign people’ -again an expression used by professional politicians- does not want what the state and the capital want: the gold metallurgy of TVX.
On the other hand, I have said that, OK, there would be some damage - I knew that. Yes, I had the intention to cause material damage. So, what damage would that be? On the windows, in that specific place, what kind of damage? Or outside the storehouse where I placed the bomb? According to me, the damages would be minimal. But even if they were more than minimal, for me it is not important at all. Because freedom can’t be compared with the material damages of some windows, of a state car or state-property. For me, the ministry is not an institution of common benefit as the charges say. Of state benefit yes, but not of any social benefit. However, even if the device did not explode, I sent my message…
I will refer a little to the technical aspects. Exactly because I am a social revolutionary, and when you say that it is like talking for the benefit of society. Not like. It is for the social benefit. As I have this principle I couldn’t harm any citizen. I could harm a policeman. I consider them my enemies. And you are my enemies too. I separate you. I make a clear class separation. On one hand we have those, on the other hand, we have the others. In this occasion though I didn’t intend to harm either the policeman who guarded the ministry or anybody else; and of course not a citizen.
The procedure that is used by groups or individuals, in general, is exactly this: you first place the bomb in your target and then you call to a newspaper. In that case, I called to ’Eleftherotypia’ and said: In half an hour a bomb will explode there. Exactly what is written in the evidence: In 30 minutes there will be an explosion in the Ministry of Industry and Development, for the case of TVX in Strymonikos. Whether the bomb exploded or not there was absolutely no danger for human lives. In case that it exploded, there would be only material damages. So, it would happen exactly as I intended. Objectively, if the device had exploded there was no chance of an accident, like exploding before or after the time given…
I want to refer more to what I call solidarity, to the motives that I had. What is this solidarity. I believe …that human society was created, based on three components: solidarity, mutuality and helping each other. So, that’s what human freedom is based on. Any social group in struggle, in a different place and time, whether they are pupils or farmers or citizens of local societies, for me and for the anarchists these struggles are very important. It doesn’t have to do with whether I am a worker and identifying my interests with the interests of that class. If someone asks for a higher salary or has a trade-unionist demand for me it is not important. For me, solidarity means the unreserved acceptance and support with every means of the right that the people must have to determine their lives as they wish, not letting others decide in their place, like the State and the Capital do.
That means that in this specific case, of the struggle of Strymonikos but also in every social struggle, for me what counts mostly is that they are struggles through which the people want to determine their fate alone. And not having any police chief or state official or capitalist deciding what they should do. It is of secondary importance if they want or don’t want the factory, if the focal point of the struggle is environmental. The important thing is that they don’t want the factory because they don’t like something imposed to them with violence.
Concerning the matter of political violence now... From the very beginning they tried to present a case of ‘repulsive criminals’ and ‘terrorists’ who ‘placed ’blind’ bombs’.: something that doesn’t exist. If theoretically terrorism is exercising violence against citizens and an unarmed population, that definition applies exclusively for the State. Only the State attacks civilians, that’s what the repression mechanisms are for: the riot police, special repression police units, the army, special forces... Mechanisms that also rob the people. They finance armed professionals, policemen. Aren’t they trained to shoot real targets? Aren’t the riot police armed with chemical gas? To use them where? On citizens, in the demonstrations. So, only the State exercises violence against the citizens. I didn’t use any violence against any citizen. I will say exactly what terrorism is.
Terrorism is when occupations, demonstrations and strikes are being attacked. When the riot police attacked the pensioners who demonstrated outside Maximou four years ago…
Terrorism is when special police forces invade the Chemistry School and beat up anarchists and youth…
Terrorism is when citizens are murdered by the police in simple ’identification controls’…
Terrorism is when Ali Yumfraz, a Pomak from Vrilisia suburb of Athens, was arrested for being drunk and later was found dead in his cell in the police station…
Terrorism is this court, here. Every trial of a militant, every trial of a revolutionary is terrorism, a message of intimidation for society. I said it again in my statements yesterday, when you called me to say if I accept the charges, and I will repeat it. Because of my persecution being political, the message is clear: whoever fights against the State and the Capital will be penalized, criminalized and given the characterization of terrorist. The same for any solidarity to any social struggle: it will be penalized and crushed down. This is the message of this trial and by this sense it is terrorism. Terrorism against me, terrorism against the anarchists, terrorism against the people of Strymonikos, who are also receiving similar messages this period, as they have similar trials for their mobilizations. This is terrorism. The fact that I put a bomb as an action of solidarity is not terrorism. Because no citizen was harmed by this action.
What the state wants is to deal with everyone alone. You must have heard an expression that the prime minister Simitis is using a lot, talking about ‘social automatism’ whenever social reactions burst out.. He uses this expression in order to present these social reactions -the blockades in the streets, the squatting of public buildings and all the actions of this kind- as being in contrast with the interests of the rest of society. Something that is a total lie. It is just the tactics of ‘divide and rule’, which means ‘spread the discord to break solidarity’. Because solidarity is very important as anyone who is alone becomes an easy target. When a workers’ strike takes place and there is no solidarity it is easier for it to be attacked. They talk about a ‘minority’. This is the argument of the state, that it is ´a trade-unionist minority having retrogressive interests which turn against modernization, against development, against all the reforms’ and all that nonsense. Well, there hasn’t been one social part or social group that didn’t come up in conflict with the state, especially during the 90’s, and that hasn’t been faced with the argument that ‘you are just a minority’, that ‘your struggle is in contrast with the rest of society’s interests’. That is exactly what happened in all cases…. The same thing happened of course with the people of Strymonikos.
What is really being attacked is solidarity. And that’s what is also attacked, without any disguise, through my trial. The state wants to attack everyone alone. Because when it finds them together things are much more difficult.
Finally, I am not on trial because I placed a bomb, nor because I possessed three guns and ten kilograms of dynamite. After all, the army and the police have a lot more guns than me and they use them. The one can’t be compared with the other.
I have nothing else to say. The only thing I’ll say more is that no matter what sentence I am convicted with, because it is certain that I will be convicted, I am not going to repent for anything. I will remain who I am. I can also say that prison is always a school for a revolutionary. His ideas and the endurance of his soul are experienced. And if he surpasses this test he becomes stronger and believes more in those things for which he was brought to prison. I have nothing more to say.
I want to complete what I was telling the public prosecutor before, about terrorism on an international level. In reality, at this moment, the US is the global gendarme and terrorist, as the only great world power left. Which means it is the worst thing on earth. And according to our perception -as anarchists- the State, all the states and all the governments are antisocial, terrorist mechanisms, since they have organized armies, police, hired torturers. I also want to complete what I was saying about having two weights and two measures. For example, the US provides with weapons, finances and instigates every dictatorial regime all over the world. And in Greece as well. In Latin America, Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Peru.... This is Terrorism. Terrorism is to arm dictators, to arm death squads in Argentina or in Bolivia in order to kill people of the Left, citizens, revolutionaries. Those who equip the death squads to torture, those are the terrorists. Terrorism is when they bombard Yugoslavia for ten days, killing civilians.
Excuse me, Mr. prosecutor, but the US are the ones who say who is a terrorist and who isn’t. Their State Department issues official directions, advising Greece about who is a terrorist. At this time, they place pressure on the Greek state to make an anti-terrorist law, a model of law which will criminalize those who fight, to make laws which are more draconian than those already existing….These are Terrorism.
The revolutionaries and the militants are not terrorists. Terrorists are the states themselves. And with this accusation, with this stigmatizing (of terrorism) all the states and governments try to criminalize the social revolutionaries and the militants inside their countries. The internal social enemy... In fact, the State, justice and the police face me also as this kind of enemy. As an internal social enemy. On the basis of the division I described before. That’s the way the state sees it. This is what is ventured in this trial. Public prosecutor: What do you have to oppose to the existent?
Social revolution. By any means necessary. It is generally proven, because I am well versed in Greek as well as in international social and political history, that no changes have ever come about, never did humanity achieve any progress -progress as I conceive it- through begging, praying or with words alone.
In the text I sent to claim the action, when I said that I placed the bomb, which was published in ‘Eleftherotypia’ newspaper, I said that the social elite, the mandarins of the capital, the bureaucrats, all these useless and parasitic people -that should disappear from the proscenium of history- they will never give up their privileges through a civilized discussion, through persuasion. I don’t want to have a discussion because you can’t have a discussion with that kind of people...
I would like to add something. Exactly because I have studied a lot, (I know that) during the events of July of ’65, a conservative congressman of the National Radical Union came out and said about those who went down to the streets and caused disturbances, when Petroulas was killed, that ‘democracy is not the red tramps but we, the participants in the parliament’, which means the congressmen who are well paid.
I will reverse that. Popular sovereignty, sir judges, is when molotov cocktails and stones are thrown at the police, when state cars, banks, shopping centers and luxury stores are burnt down.... This is how the people react. History itself has proven that this is the way people react. This is popular sovereignty. When Maziotis goes and places a bomb in the ministry of Industry and Development, in solidarity with the struggle of the people in Strymonikos. This is the real popular sovereignty and not what the Constitution says...
July 7, 1999.
tl;dr
tl;dr
Were any treasures to be
Were any treasures to be found?
(Let's see if anyone gets this)
nice one Mr. B Traven
nice one Mr. B Traven