And now what happens?

AND NOW WHAT HAPPENS?

From A las barricadas, machine translated by ancoms_suck

The stance of organized anarchism in the face of what is coming in Argentina.

"The freedom to oppress, to exploit, to force people to do military service, to pay taxes, etc., is the denial of freedom; and the fact that our enemies use the word freedom in such an inappropriate and hypocritical way is not enough to make us renege on this principle, which is the distinctive character of our Party, which is the eternal, constant and necessary factor of the life and progress of humanity.

Equal freedom for all, and therefore, right to resist all violation of freedom, and to resist with brutal force, when violence makes use of brutal force and there is no better way to successfully oppose it..."

Errico Malatesta - "La Questione Sociale" November 25, 1899.

Finally, Milei won, the product of a representative democratic system in decline, which implies the real possibility of a regression of popular conquests and rights. A project for those at the top, voted for by those at the bottom. And our position reaffirms the line of confrontation and overcoming the immobility generated by the fear of this advance of sectors of the far right, reactionaries, and ultra-liberals. But the defeat was not electoral, nor was it this last Sunday. For a political option of far-right to have grown, the defeat is cultural and ideological and has been going on for many years, mainly from the “retreat” of much of the emancipatory projects, let alone progressives, most popular neighborhoods and trade unions, the absence of a concrete idea of how to confront this capitalist system, and a revolutionary project which will go to the bottom of it, to face the machine of impoverishing the peoples, called neoliberalism. Where the state was incorporating and institutionalizing numerous tools from those below, taking all political action to its court and making the polls the only possible horizon of political action. This lack of rebellion, of an opposition, of social struggle, was filled with pseudo-fascist and ultra-liberal rhetoric by a handful of economists and reactionaries. In a context that is also marked by the economic crisis, growing inequality and a large part of the population excluded from access to their most fundamental needs.

Milei's rise to the armchair of Rivadavia has generated a glimpse of harsh sensations ranging from bewilderment, uncertainty, a prospect of catastrophe and fundamental fear. Fear of the implementation of measures and slogans poured out by their candidates throughout the election campaign, some being nonsense, and others being part of the repertoire of the reactionary and anti-popular sectors of our country's history. We are talking about removing rights, misogyny, extreme commodification of all aspects of life (organ market, children, etc.), the application of shock doctrines and much of the playbook of the Chicago School. On this he has already warned that there will be no gradualism. Among the most serious aspects are also the validation of illegal repression during the last dictatorship and the possibility of a pardon of those who perpetrated genocide, which will be in line with giving way for open repression to protests and to fill the prisons with social fighters.

In principle, we say that we must not underestimate the enemy or neglect its ability to form a political and social force commensurate with the size of its project. To date, there are a number of elements to take into account about the starting point of this political novelty. First of all, La Libertad Avanza does not have territorial power yet, it has not won its own governorships, not even a mayor's office throughout the country, so, in the first months of government it would have no territorial structure to carry out a vanguard of adjustments against those below. One might think that Macri will provide some structure (it is still unknown the possibility of Milei-Macri co-government), although we witnessed how the general post-election agreement ended up undermining an important part of it and that left a Pro divided across the country.

Milei could also parasitize off some other political structure or he could advance by assembling an alliance with governors and mayors devoted to the pragmatism of the state, but today this is nothing more than a conjecture. We should take into account a real fact, which is that the vice president-elect has been moving, beyond seeking impunity for the repressors, in the sense of organizing a political bloc or party representing the military family.

The voter is not a militant, but barely an agitator, at least to this day. La Libertad Avanza has not come to form a political force organically (we already saw how each member gives opinions at any moment, about any topic, taking any stance). While he did fill the streets in his last campaign events, in the main urban centers of the country, his electoral triumph was hardly felt. Milei could not generate unitary mobilizations under a given strategy. At least not in the short term.

In this country, the only actor or social force that managed to impose itself at all levels to successfully implement anti-popular measures were the military through successive dictatorships. Macri tried - with a certain apparatus - to intervene in unions, to criminalize protest, to advance with anti-popular reforms, savage adjustment policies, without being able to get to the bottom of the issue, since the 2017 mobilizations against the pension reform marked - despite the defeat - a milestone of resistance. Macri wasn’t able to lay hands on the Collective Agreements and was unable to implement a comprehensive labor reform. Milei, with much less apparatus, is not going to meet the quorum in principle in a congress where he is a minority. Moreover, if he attempts to go for a slew of decrees, it will clash with the Supreme Court, which, although it coincides with several axes of government, is not interested in being exposed to a progression of illegality and violation of rights that the policies of La Libertad Avanza will try to carry with them. Finally, considering into an extreme scenario, it is difficult to think that Milei has enough power to promote a successful self-coup, as it happened with Fujimori in Peru.

It is also worth noting with concern - that Milei did not try to moderate his speech, not even in the final stretch of campaign, so we warned that he is determined to carry out at least part of his adjustment plan against the people. This we believe will begin a period of greater political, social and economic instability; from the persecution of protest and imprisonment of social fighters; to giving a free pass to the provincial police to be trigger-happy (as it happened with Bolsonaro), encouragement to transnationals corporations - with the endorsement of the governors - to deepen the extractivist model, to plunder the resources, to shatter the environment and to advance the repressing of the country's economic-productive matrix and the deindustrialisation; to advance the privatization of all areas of the public sector, of trying to impose a savage labor reform, to attack the right to the Free Interruption of Pregnancy and Holistic Sexual Education.

Comrades, the time has come to redouble our efforts and to bet on the broadest unity of our organizations within the framework of a strategy of popular struggle, in the street, based on plans of action and measures of force. But the fragmentation and individualism that brought this character to the Government as a corollary must be cleared. There's no point in preaching to the choir. It is our task to appeal to each co-worker, each neighbor, always from the struggle and the grassroots organization. Do not persecute or condemn the comrade because they went to vote for this or that candidate. It’s opportune to reinforce our strategy which aims to strengthen confidence in our own strength, in our own capacity for action, the action of our people and their organizations. To pave the way for active, organized and mainly solidarity resistance, in the face of the deepening advance of those on top. Here it is more than likely that a good number of trade unions and social organizations will be willing to take to the streets before anti-popular reform progresses. No wonder that alliances are drawn up between combative sectors of the CGT such as Bankers, Truckers, Oilers, with sectors of the two CTAs with state, teachers and health workers at the head. Social movements, student organizations, environmental organizations, human rights organizations will be alert and on the front line in case ultra-liberal forces want to take away heartfelt conquests.

Cordoba Anarchist Organization .

Anarchist Federation of Rosario . FAR

Tucumán Anarchist Organization . . .

Anarchist organization of Santa Cruz - OASC

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