From Gods and Radicals by Christopher Scott Thompson
Romantic Rationalist: A William Godwin Reader, edited and introduced by Peter Marshall, is a brief but wide-ranging introduction to the writings of a man who is often considered the founder of anarchism. William Godwin (1756–1836) was the first major philosopher to propose a decentralized directly-democratic society made up of small self-governing communities, and he also anticipated several of the major arguments of later radicals such as Marx and Kropotkin on issues such as private property and the labor theory of value. If you’re interested in the classical anarchist philosophers but you don’t know where to start, you could definitely do worse than this collection of short passages drawn from Godwin’s works. Unlike Bakunin and Kropotkin, who can be difficult to read because of their frequent references to events and conditions that are no longer current, Godwin expressed himself in general principles. This gives his ideas a clarity and directness often lacking in other works. Here’s his argument against the benefits of government:
From Insurrection News Received and translated on 22.02.17:
An anarchist look at the forest fires in south-central Chile
And on the attempts of the power to take advantage aiming at the Mapuche and anarchist subversion.
From Splice Today by Crispin Sartwell Clothed in rage and black balaclavas, anarchists have shown up at anti-Trump protests and campus actions against right-wing figures, often as the most or the only militant force. They burned a limo and broke windows near the White House during the inauguration. They were at Berkeley, agitating against right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos and at NYU trying to shut down comedian Gavin McInnes. When white supremacist Richard Spencer got sucker-punched on video at the inauguration, many in the blossoming anarchist Twittersphere became armchair Nazi-punchers.
Clothed in rage and black balaclavas, anarchists have shown up at anti-Trump protests and campus actions against right-wing figures, often as the most or the only militant force. They burned a limo and broke windows near the White House during the inauguration. They were at Berkeley, agitating against right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos and at NYU trying to shut down comedian Gavin McInnes. When white supremacist Richard Spencer got sucker-punched on video at the inauguration, many in the blossoming anarchist Twittersphere became armchair Nazi-punchers.
From research and destroy
We can imagine a person slowly becoming aware that he is the subject of catastrophe. The form of consciousness might be likened to someone peering out the window of a plane. They have been aboard for a long time, years, decades. From cruising altitude the landscape below scrolls past evenly, somewhat abstracted. The stabilizing mechanisms of eye and brain smooth the scene. Perhaps they are somewhere above the upper midwest. Their knowledge of the miseries that have seized flyover country hovers at the periphery of a becalmed boredom. Steady hum of the jet engines, sense of stillness. Borne by prevailing winds the first balloonists detected no wind whatsoever. So this flight. Though the passengers will never travel faster than this they scarcely feel any motion at all.
Revolutionary Luxury, Bureaucratic Administration
Any politics that seeks an encompassing notion of liberation and freedom must, first and foremost, be oriented towards the future, and must pursue this horizon through goal-oriented actions. This effectively sets up a feedback system, linking together the shifting and modular futurity that is assembled by those who desire it with the concrete actions, revolutionary impulses, and insurrectionary acts that move towards its construction. In their most effective turns, future horizons are assembled as to remain open, as the very compounding of possibilities into an ever-increasing array of options. Still, though, certain motifs are deployed to act as anchors or signals for the widening of the possibility space.
Nearly 50 years ago, Guy Debord’s “The Society of the Spectacle” reached bookshelves in France. It was a thin book in a plain white cover, with an obscure publisher and an author who shunned interviews, but its impact was immediate and far-reaching, delivering a social critique that helped shape France’s student protests and disruptions of 1968.
“What rough beast, its hour come round at last”: the Populist Penetration of the Self-described Anarchist Movement
by Michael Schmidt
Against the backdrop of a global surge of crude populism that has overturned the hope of change announced by the Arab Spring of only six years ago with a dizzyingly swift rightwards rush that sees several brands of a neo-fascist “rough beast, its hour come round at last, slouching towards Bethlehem to be born,” in the words of Irish poet William Butler Yeats, a strange phenomenon has emerged: “anarcho-populism”.
Slow and steady, we exhume the past. Here's some of our dirty work from the past year:
Sneaky Cop Haters in late 1970s St. Louis
A whimsical dash through five years of anti-cop mischief: “March 1976: The RIT wire basket factory in Rock Hill caught fire because someone wanted it to. That someone wasn’t hip to racist, ex-cop general manager Buck Ray. While Bucky was kicking back in his recliner at home earlier in the week, that someone also sent him telephone and postal threats and a drive-by shower of buckshot to convey something quite scary to this quite scary man.”
“When you show deep empathy toward others, their defensive energy goes down, and positive energy replaces it. That’s when you can get more creative in solving problems.”
Relational Anarchism is a standalone vector or field of thought under the umbrella of anarchism.
In this perspective, relationships determine levels of human freedom. The process of human interaction is more important than content.