Lines in Sand is a collection by Peter Gelderloos that looks critically at identity politics and anti-oppression politics. All of them are very thought provoking and well worth reading. These aren’t knee-jerk criticisms, but rather are thoughtful explorations of the problematic aspects of identity and anti-oppression politics and practice.
Nonviolence can be used in many circumstances as an effective tactic, but it is irrelevant, irresponsible, and utterly ridiculous to even consider it as a strategy. So yes, nonviolence should be utilized as a tactic where pertinent, and in turn pacifism, as an ideology and a strategy, must be purged from our movement.
“The question is not: who has the guns? but rather: what do the people with the guns do? 10,000 or 100,000 proletarians armed to the teeth are nothing if they place their trust in anything beside their own power to change the world. Otherwise, the next day, the next month or the next year, the power whose authority they recognize will take away the guns which they failed to use against it.”
From Ruptura Colectiva
“Impossible takes just a little bit longer”
-Someone said it. Today it is replicated in the walls (from the street and from Facebook)-
Towards a panorama where we put the reflectors
The current capitalistic order dictates the images of the world -and information- at their convenience. The alternatives that many seek before the global deterioration and that media dictatorship that prevents more people from knowing them is also centralized in vanguards, in historical resistances, leaving in the background other proposals that emerge, even more solid than those.
Published on January 25th in:
Hidalgo is a territory with past struggles, hidden in the pages of history and in the centralized understanding of social movements that don’t permit knowledge of what happens “over there in the province”. On January 5th, the people of Ixmiquilpan and other distant peoples of the Mezquital Valley would know what class war is. At the sound of the 2017 new years bells, various entities of the country were met with complete blockages of highways, Pemex facilities, gas stations and other strategic points in the context of the national #NoAlGasolinazo protests.
The discussion below reflects an overview of the conditions experienced by individuals who are trying to liberate themselves from the system of social hypocrisy and the mentality of subordination. Our experience is still fragile, a newborn.
While the end of last year was marked by social problems that caused a bit of trouble for the powerful, the summer of 2016 brought fiery revolts against this world of misery and oppression. First and foremost, these took aim at those who most obviously carry of the violence of the powerful, namely the cops and the gendarmes [military-style police].
While some go off on vacation, others stay trapped in the prison world of the ghettos. On Tuesday July 19 in Beaumont-sur-Oise in Val-d’Oise, Adama Traore was killed by gendarmes while being arrested. To conceal his death by suffocation at the hands of the pigs, the state immediately began talking about “heart troubles … respiratory troubles … pulmonary infections” and so on. Every time some dies in custody, power puts on the same grim spectacle, with the complicity of the media. This time, Beaumont and Persan [two towns in Val-d’Oise] responded with several nights of revolt, during which many municipal and state buildings (police stations, libraries, garages for city vehicles) as well as capitalist infrastructure (gas stations, supermarkets…) went up in smoke or had their windows smashed.
What strategies and orientations can develop insurrectionary anti-politics into a movement actually able to destroy global capitalism? This is the question taken up by The Coming Insurrection, as well as by author such as Bonanno. I aim here to use insights from The Coming Insurrection to open onto discussions of various aspects of the future of insurrection. The purpose will be to think through strategic implications of attempting to use a mainly expressive form of action for strategic purposes, and ways to deal with the obstacles faced in the process.
But first of all, what is insurrection?
Far from us to claim we represent the «movement», but since you use Mpalothia as «media» broadcast we felt questioned.
You look at «our struggle», so we have taken note.
To be clear we specify that «our struggle» existed before the «movement» and will not end with it, even if the reform of the labor code would be repealed.
Indeed, we do not care about law and we do not care about work. We just wish both to disappear.
Our goal is not to reform or improve capitalism but to destroy it, to wipe out it by fire and by all means everyone deems useful.