In early 2016 a far-reaching campaign in Athens began with a fairly modest announcement: “Free Transportation for All”. With a few initial actions that grabbed headlines, like an intervention at the OASA office near Alexandras and the destruction of ticket machines at several stations, began the appearance of a campaign that continues today, and has since seen its massification with several large central marches, topical demonstrations and leafletting, persistent and costly sabotage that the police are unable to stop despite their best efforts, and even reaching to igniting resistance among the transport workers themselves.
From Anarchist Writers by Anarcho (Tue, 02/06/2018 - 20:50)
This is both an important book which raises a key issue and one which simply states the obvious. It is both a well-researched work and one which ignores a school of thinkers who were pioneers on the subject. It is one which both challenges assumptions and takes them for granted. In short, it is both perceptive and frustrating.
“Yellow fever,” says the bus baggage man looking at my passport.
“ Paraguay just restricted entry for people who don’t have the vaccine. You can’t get in.”
I look around helplessly but the bus driver was already coming to my aid, he spoke a few terse sentences in Portuguese to the effect that if the American wants to try to get into Paraguay then the Bus Company has no business trying to stop him. The baggage man listens and hoists my stuff on board. There’s no arguing with the profit motive…
What we found in this collection of reports put together by Zurbrugg, are testimonies written by anarchists who visited the USSR in the crucial years of 1920-1921, in a period in which still the majority of the anarchist movement supported the Bolsheviks, being oblivious (or in denial) of the suppression of the anarchists which started in 1918 and knowing little or nothing about the Makhnovist movement in the Ukraine. In short, these testimonies constitute a most valuable collection of encounters with the realities of an authoritarian revolution by libertarians.
These divergent views of anarchists illustrate the problem with the label: It is imprecise and malleable, and it means whatever (usually bad) things different people want it to mean. Supposedly the one principle that unites anarchists is their opposition to government, but that statement tells us little about their actual views.
Still, is it possible that self-identified anarchists from the past can tell us something about our politics in the present? Specifically, in the quest for a just and equitable society, are political labels of all kinds not just irrelevant, but counterproductive and even divisive?
In Russia radical anarchists were defeated already in the end of 1990ies (NRA case). The last underground fighter Ilia Romanov was arrested in 2002 in Ukraine and sentenced to 10 years. But have anarchists lost their combat spirit? 10 years later a new generation of revolutionaries came, they wanted more than demonstrations and antifa.
Anarchy Today team have prepared a small video on various attacks by anarchists in Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (BUR) from 2008 to 2017. By attacks we mean destruction or damage to enemy property – buildings, premises, cars, construction equipment, objects, etc.
If we release “fascism” from its distinctive ideological-historical period (that movement in Italy), then fascism appears to be a philosophical and political movement that holds the (anal) retention of History and its narrative of (phallic) progress through empire. Fascism signifies the utmost sanctification of civilisation’s repression and neurosis, born from technological development and encoded into myth through the histographic cartographies of Symbolic culture. And as we release our flesh from the chains of civilisation, we become the embodiment of all fascism hates.
For me, however, Le Guin represented something quite apart from great, memorable literature. She represented something that was meant even more than her unapologetic and outspoken feminism. During my sophomore year of university, picking up The Dispossessed on the recommendation of a favorite professor, Ursula Le Guin’s work was the genesis of my political awakening.
Why It Matters that Ursula K. Le Guin Was an Anarchist
I’ve never liked the part of the story when the mentor figure dies and the young heroes say they aren’t ready to go it alone, that they still need her. I’ve never liked it because it felt clichéd and because I want to see intergenerational struggle better represented in fiction.
Today I don’t like that part of the story because… I don’t feel ready.