A Nihilist Speaks with the Devil: A Rejoinder on the 25 Theses on Fascism

  • Posted on: 18 December 2017
  • By: thecollective

From Anti-fascist News

This article is an addendum to the recent piece written by Shane Burley for the Institute for Anarchist Studies, Twenty-Five Theses on Fascism. The below article builds on that discussion, and responds directly to a criticism published here.


By Alexander Reid Ross

During the late Soviet days, the bohemian dissident Alexander Dugin used to stay up late with an assembled group of aesthetes in the flat of Yuri Mamleev, situated just a few blocks from the great statue of poet Vladimir Mayakovsky. The circle of friends who trudged down Yuzhinsky Pereulok to Mamleev’s apartment building, ringing six times before gaining entrance and climbing six flights of stairs to his flat, engaged in what they called the “mystical underground.” Exchanging stories on ancient myths, esoteric secrets, and cosmic mysteries, the “Yuzhinsky Circle” embraced alcohol, guitars, and occult fascism. They participated in Satanist ritual, held séances, and hoped to reach a kind of reality-breaching mystical state through which everyday reality might break down and the delirium of fascist worship would bring the arcane from the ether all “Seig Heils” and “Heil Hitlers” (Clover 152-153).

A wild, freewheeling drinker, Dugin mistakenly left a collection of forbidden texts in his own apartment, and when KGB agents found them in a search of his house, he catfished on the Yuzhinsky Circle to save his own hide. Joining a KGB-connected “historical restoration society” (read: ultranationalist political organization) called Pamyat (Memory), Dugin wormed his way to the core of nationalist leadership advancing through the waning Soviet nomenklatura before another Russian fascist pushed him out for his ambition (Clover 161-165). Subsequently, Dugin moved to Western Europe in 1989 and took up with the so-called “European New Right” in Belgium and France, where he learned the networks of European fascism and the parlance of “geopolitics” (Shekhovtsov 37). Also in France was Eduard Limonov, a Russian punk who had lived dissolute in New York City before joining the European New Right in France in guest editing the left-right satirical periodical L’Idiot International (Lee 317-319, 478n74). After the fall of the Soviet Union, Limonov and Dugin returned to the Motherland, met amid red-brown circles, and designed the National Bolshevik Party while disseminating fascist precepts through other party organizations, such as the populist Russian National Liberal Party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Atkins 81; Chaudet, Parmentier, Pelopidas, 54; Clover 209-213; Sedgewick 231-232).

Their ideology hinged on geopolitical notions of “large spaces”—a spiritual empire from Lisbon to Kamchatka comprised of ethno-states in which cultural minorities would be Verboten (Bar-On 205). Yet they insisted on other ideas for the spectacle—absolute power in the form of the man, whether Bakunin, Stalin, or Hitler (Shenfield 209). Sweeping, history negating deeds that could remake the past through a stroke of expurgatory violence. “A revolutionary has his own morality: it is the effectiveness and success of his struggle against global despotism,” Dugin would write in Eurasian Mission (158). Insisting that liberalism depends on techniques to the point of gutting meaning from life, Dugin’s Fourth Political Theory insisted, “the liberal discovers his way to [fascism] when he takes one step further and achieves self-affirmation as the unique and ultimate instance of being” (110). The uniqueness of the individual opens to affirmation not unlike what Heidegger discovered in Nietzsche’s later works called “positive nihilism”—the clearing and leveling process of destructive nihilism that opens to a movement toward philosophical recreation (poesis). “Logos has expired and we all will be buried under its ruins unless we make an appeal to chaos and its metaphysical principles, and use them as a basis for something new,” Fourth Political Theory continues. “Perhaps this is ‘the other beginning’ Heidegger spoke of.” (211)

What stirs in the heart of these feverish words is the heart of revolutionary idealism—the deconstruction of the reality produced by the various moving pieces of everyday life through an act of symbolic sabotage that at once reveals the obscure meaning of life and death, the movement of the stars, the arcane. Yet the direction of this motion toward sublime truth is contaminated with ultranationalist presuppositions that manipulate revolution toward the ends of insidious interests. This is why it’s fatal for revolutionaries to ignore fascism in its germ—its summoning and deployment of revolution theory, its assessment of nihilism and usage of avant-garde constructions. Yet Paul Simons, with his captious review of Shane Burley’s 25 Theses on Fascism, does exactly this while seeming to promote the old canard that “the left are the real fascists.” We will see how a skewed reading of both Burley’s text and source texts facilitate this strange turn in Simons’s analysis, allowing him to conclude with unfounded attacks on left antifascists rather than carry out a concerted effort to locate and disperse fascism where it lies.


Disingenuous Reading

First, we might begin with an assessment of the more finicky claims Simons makes regarding Burley’s points. First on Arendt, Simons faults Burley for making her subjective hatred of Eichmann’s willingness to participate in genocide through bureaucracy into a general re-evaluation of the malaise of Germans when faced with that genocide. Yet are the two not coterminous? Eichmann’s behind-the-scenes consent to fascist genocide, channeled through bureaucratic punctiliousness, represented the crisis of modern alienation from not only the means of production, but the means of mass destruction. “The logic of the Eichmann trial,” Arendt wrote, “would have demanded exposure of the complicity of all German offices and authorities in the Final Solution — of all civil servants in the state ministries, of the regular armed forces, with their General Staff, of the judiciary, and of the business world.” However, Arendt contends that the trial “carefully avoided touching upon this highly explosive matter — upon the almost ubiquitous complicity, which had stretched far beyond the ranks of Party membership” (my emphasis) (Arendt 13).

For Arendt, as Judith Butler observes, the crimes of Eichmann were carried out by Germans throughout the land, largely emerging from “the degradation of thinking” and “the way in which the crime had become for the criminals accepted, routinised, and implemented without moral revulsion and political indignation and resistance” (Butler). Surely there is room within this larger critique of mass inaction during the Shoah for Burley’s comment on the “malaise” of the German public and bureaucracy — an observation similarly made by Baumann, among others (29). Why fault Burley for his interpretation, in line with the best literature on the Holocaust, rather than investigate more deeply the questions of why—why did the Shoah happen and do we not see a hauntingly similar degradation of thinking in modern society from today’s Executive Branch to the general public?

Continuing a sad refusal to confront material rather than wrestle with facts, Simons faults Burley for using Benjamin’s assessment of fascism as the “aestheticization of politics” by claiming, tendentiously, that Benjamin’s reversal in the form of Communism (politicization of aesthetics) is a “swipe” (!) rather than a restitution. In fact, Benjamin understood aesthetics as deeply political. Margaret Cohen’s text is vital here: “Benjamin makes use of surrealism, then, not only for its shocklike aesthetics but also because the movement provides a conceptual paradigm with the potential to explain why these shocklike aesthetics work to political effect” (197). Benjamin of course took option with the vulgarity of Marxists’ focus on economics, but still actively maintained a politicalizing approach to aesthetics and an open affinity with the left. The trouble here remains that Simons seems too quick to call foul because he wants to score points against the left instead of engage in genuine discourse.

Looking at these two crucial misreadings, we must observe that, after criticizing Burley for using two thinkers very close to, if not within, the Frankfurt School (Arendt and Benjamin), Simons faults Burley for ignoring “completely” the Frankfurt School. Clearly in a compact 25 Theses Burley will not be able to delve completely into every contention held by all manner of thinkers who have ever considered fascism. Because Burley did not mention Poulantzas or Malatesta or Simone Weil or García Lorca, for instance, does not mean that he has ignored those writers. Yet the way Simons, himself, ignores appropriate understandings and usage of Arendt and Benjamin speaks to a disingenuous and insensitive reading.


Contending with Fascist Statism

Perhaps more importantly, Simons privileges the statal attributes of fascism over its non-statal and even anti-state processes to the point of pretending the latter don’t exist. Fascism begins, as with Dugin’s “mystical underground,” as a kind of collection of different disenfranchised ideological formations focused on overthrowing liberal democracy and restoring a kind of archaic, mythical sovereignty. Simons does not recognize this and in fact references Giovanni Gentile’s famous entry in the Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, written in 1932 in efforts to sum up the Fascist ideology. Early formulations of fascism that emerged first in 1914 and then again following World War I are either avoided or revised in that publication. Fixed within the context between Mussolini’s solidification of the Italian Fascist state and the rise of Hitler to power in Germany, Gentile’s work presented a propaganda piece meant to show off the intellectual grandeur of Mussolini’s power rather than a descriptive assessment of the functional core of the movement. In point of fact, several years before Mussolini asked Gentile to produce the Doctrine of Fascism, he would insist that Fascism could have no doctrine, because it was an impulse rather than an ideology.

According to historian David D. Roberts, “Fascism was ‘anti-intellectual’ insofar as intellectualism suggested the need and the scope for some dogma, some finished ideology, some rational blueprint. The Fascists agreed that there could be no such thing precisely because history was open-ended in ways only now being fully grasped. Under the circumstances, the key was to create the instrument for ongoing action – action that was itself open ended – as opposed to laying out some intellectualistic blueprint. Mussolini often boasted that Fascism was modern in precisely that sense of eschewing doctrinal baggage, the better to keep up with the grand and mutable reality of life. And he took delight on turning the tables on liberal critics; skeptics had said that Fascism was ephemeral because it lacked a doctrine, ‘as if they themselves had doctrines and not instead some fragments adding up to an impossible mixture of the most disparate elements” (289).

It is unclear what happens when one approaches fascism “teleologically,” as Simons encourages us to do, because he has not explained what he means; however, if one approaches it historically, with Roberts or Paxton, for instance, one finds that fascism tends to undergo metamorphosis as it rises to power. First as a revolutionary phenomenon linking left and right through an aesthetic glorification of violence and destruction often associated by fascists, themselves, with nihilism, fascism gains the fidelity of a hardcore group of idealists in the middle classes, reactionaries among the ruling class, and military men hoping to use their skills for the nationalist cause. Gradually, as fascists organize and assemble larger bodies, their ideology is more firmly established in communication with other contending political powers in order to absorb them, compromise with them, or destroy them. Once fascists attain power, their ideology is concretized into a dogma that can interpellate subjects into a functioning economic and political system. These systems can vary depending on the place, as the Romanian Iron Guard state differed significantly from Italian or German fascism. However, this very concretization leads to a kind of inertia through which fascists abandon their revolutionary precepts and either effectively become conservatives or simply lose power (Paxton 23).

Most unsettling of all is Simons’s claim that fascism cannot exist without a nation-state. Firstly, fascism repudiates the Westphalian nation-state, searching for more mythical understandings of sovereignty than Althussian federalism and its like could offer. In the words of scholar Stephen Shenfield, “fascism has never been committed to the principle of the nation-state. Its ideal has been rather that of the multiethnic empire, within which to be sure one particular nation was to occupy the dominant position” (16). For this reason, Hitler looked down on the parliamentary system underpinning the Kaisership when compared to, say, Frederick Barbarossa or Frederick the Great (Kershaw 13-14); and similarly, Mussolini could not appreciate an messy Italian nation-state forged through the Risorgimento more than the glamour of Scipio Africanus (Quartermaine 210).

The point is that this sort of Imperium is the desiderata of fascists from Francis Parker Yockey to Troy Southgate to Dugin, all of whom demand a spiritual empire of federated ethnic territories constructed through a kind of traditionalist unity implied by the “daily plebiscite” assumed under patriarchal control. Denying the “anarcho-fascist” tendencies of Michael Moynihan and male-tribalist Jack Donovan, or the “national anarchist” tendency of Southgate, opens the door for the kind of entryism that has plagued radical milieux associated, unfortunately, with Anarchist News and Anarkismo. Given the fact that fascism, in its earliest phases, relies on insinuating itself within subcultures and left-wing factions to grow, those tendencies must remain actively aware of these basics, or else fall prey to its machinations. We have seen radicals’ susceptibility to incidental cooperation with fascists time and time again—whether it is La Vielle Taupe in Paris moving from ultra-left revolutionary center to a hub for Holocaust denial or, more recently, egoist Wolfi Landstreicher publishing his translation of Max Stirner’s The Ego and Its Own (Now called The Unique and His Property) through a press run by a fascist who attends fascist meet-ups like the National Policy Institute, asserts eugenicist positions, and does art for books by Donovan and white nationalist leader Greg Johnson.

Simons’s ongoing denial is why his insistence that all attempts at mass organizing enlist the tactics of fascism (in fact, the fascists explicitly enlisted the tactics of leftists who came before them) appears so scurrilous and baseless. One might hope that a bit of clarity would be granted to the conversation by identifying tactics, themselves, as less the purchase and property of a given political organization than operationally useful for different reasons. From that point, we might begin a meaningful discourse on our successes and failures as antifascists. Otherwise, taking pot shots at the antifascist left is a lousy substitute for adept analysis.



  • Arendt, Hannah. 1965. Eichmann in Jerusalem. New York: Viking Compass Books.
  • Atkins, Stephen E. 2004. Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group.
  • Bar-On, Tamir. Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to Modernity. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Baumann, Z. 1989. Modernity and the Holocaust. Maldon, MA: Polity Press.
  • Butler, Judith. “Hannah Arendt’s challenge to Adolf Eichmann.” The Guardian. 29 August 2011. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/aug/29/hannah-arendt-adolf-eichmann-banality-of-evil, retrieved December 17, 2017.
  • Chaudet, Didier, Florent Parmentier, and Benôit Pélopidas. When Empire Meets Nationalism: Power Politics in the US and Russia. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Clover, Charles. 2016. Black Wind, White Snow. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
  • Cohen, Margaret. 1995. Profane Illumination: Walter Benjamin and the Paris of Surrealist Revolution. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press.
  • Dugin, Alexander. 2012. The Fourth Political Theory. Translated by Mark Sleboda and Michael Millerman. UK: Arktos Media Ltd.
  • Dugin, Alexander. 2014. Eurasian Mission: An Introduction to Neo-Eurasianism. Edited by John B. Morgan. UK: Arktos Media, Ltd.
  • Gregor, A. James. 2004. Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher Of Fascism. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
  • Kershaw, Ian. 2013. Hitler. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Lee, Martin A. 2013. The Beast Reawakens: Fascism’s Resurgence from Hitler’s Spymasters to Today’s Neo-Nazi Groups and Far-Right Extremists. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Paxton, Robert O. 2007. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York, NY: Random House.
  • Quartermaine, Luisa. 1995. “Slouching Toward Rome: Mussolini’s Imperial Vision.” In Urban Society in Roman Italy, edited by Tim J. Cornell, Kathryn Lomas. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Roberts, David D. 2006. The Totalitarian Experiment in Twentieth-century Europe: Understanding the Poverty of Great Politics. New York, NY: Routledge.
  • Sedgewick, Mark. 2004. Against the Modern World: Traditionalism and the Secret Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century. New York NY: Oxford University Press.
  • Shekhovtskov, Anton. 2015. “Alexander Dugin and the West European New Right, 1984-1994.” Eurasianism and the European Far Right: Reshaping the Europe–Russia Relationship. Edited by Marlene Laruelle. New York, NY: Lexington Books.
  • Shenfield, Stephen. 2016. Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies and Movements. New York, NY: Routledge.


The funny part about Simons is they clearly love to put the blackflag militants from europe on a pedestal but I highly doubt that all of those black bloc kids in spain, germany or greece have never participated in anything that could be characterized as "leftist organizing". It's like there's a major theoretical hole in the centre of Simon's analysis.

These aren't "the tactics of fascism", they're just … the ways that any group of people can influence a much larger group of strangers. Some of these methods are sketchy and exploitative, sure but that's politics for you. Good luck keeping those hands clean, maybe it's easier for journalists to lie to themselves about their own integrity?

Your saint Mussolini also had been takiing part in "leftist organizing" for a while. What does it mean, you asshat?

Yeah, I love me some mussolini. That's exactly my point. Good talk!

As they walked along the busy, yellow-lit tiers of offices, Reid Ross said: “You’re acquainted with the theory of precrime, of course. I presume we can take that for granted.”

“I have the information publicly available,” Burley replied. “With the aid of your precog Leftists, you’ve boldly and successfully abolished the post-crime punitive system of jails and fines. As we all realise, punishment was never much of a deterrent, and could scarcely have afforded the comfort to a victim already dead.”

They had come to the descent lift. As it carried them swiftly downward, Reid Ross said: “You’ve probably already grasped the basic legalistic drawback to precrime methodology. We’re taking in individuals who have broken no law.”

“But surely, they will,” Burley affirmed with conviction.

oh hell yes! precrime is even better that guilt by tenuous philosophical associations. thanks anon 10:03 (and pkd)!

"opens the door for the kind of entryism that has plagued radical milieux associated, unfortunately, with Anarchist News and Anarkismo"

oh really? I can't speak to anarkismo but i think you're just sore that everyone on here knows you're a windbag who shadow-boxes with straw-men... your overly-wrought sentences can't convince me you are seriously engaging nihilist or individualist ideas.

I'm sorry you'll have to increase the number of footnotes[1] in your replies before we Portlanders will take you seriously[2].

1. even if generally irrelevant.
2. everybody knows this.

Literally everything is an entry point for fascists, it is a banality.

It still doesn't follow that mass organization is the antidote.


Strange even by the inclusive standards of the Circle
of the Crone, the Disciples of Silence are an ongoing
example of tradition in transition, evolving from a
relatively conventional mystery cult to a controversial
atheistic modern practice.
Millennia past, a certain point of view emerged within the
covenant, achieving popularity in more than one domain. At
the time, some Kindred believed that the Crone responsible
for creating the material universe from the primordial void
was actually an embodiment of the void itself. When the
creation of the universe was complete, they said, the Crone
allowed herself to dissolve back into nothingness so as to
gift her myriad children with absolute freedom from her
influence. There, in the nothingness of unbeing, she awaits
the eventual return of her creation, and will one day emerge
again to refashion it. Thus goes the everlasting cycle of being
and unbeing: creation, dissolution and recreation.
To worship the Crone, said these Kindred, was to worship
the void and vice versa. To understand the nothingness
is to know her directly. Naming themselves the
Disciples of Silence, these devoted vampires informed
all of their practice with the notion of “Silent Void” and
the primal state of being without consciousness.
Practicing behind the façade of ordinary Acolytes,
the Disciples explored the limits of their minds and the
ability to act without thought, initiating themselves
(and one another) in the deep secrets of being and
unbeing as their studies progressed. Nature was sacred
to these vampires, for the unconsciousness of flora
and fauna. Humans and Kindred were sinful in their
tendency to complicated thought and the urge to deny
natural decay. The immortal static nature of vampires
was, to them, the most unholy state of being, and could
only be justified by active service to the Crone.
For the old Disciples of Silence, any attempt at permanence
was a sin against the Crone. Even stones and the
sea would dissolve into nothingness, they argued, so to
build great works of architecture or to map the bounds
of the sea were to ignore the truth of the Silent Void
and fall to the vice of Pride. Construction, they said, was
futile. Legacies were pointless noise. The purpose of the
Kindred was to know meditative calm and silence, to aid
in the slow and steady destruction of the universe that it
might feed the return of the Crone and to abstain from
the Embrace of new vampires.
For long centuries, it was difficult to tell where the
Disciples of Silence dwelled. Stories were told of their exploits:
the collapse of a great temple here, the seemingly
random destruction of a neonate there. Many low-level
Acolytes of the Circle served the Disciples unknowingly,
ascending to a full understanding of the faction only
when their Hierophant chose to initiate them into its
ranks — most often after the faithful performance of a
damning task.
Despite the reputation they gained and the apparent
ubiquity of the Disciples, the truth is that the faction was
relatively small and unpopular in those dark nights. A
number of Acolytes brought into the fold were incapable
of accepting the message of their elders, and rebelled.
Several cults belonging to the faction collapsed inwards,
destroyed by insurrection. Many of the Acolytes who
worshipped quietly and calmly were stigmatized by association
with the more outrageous destructive acts of
their alleged organization and pushed out of their home
cities. Many did not survive.
By the late years of the 19th century, there were fewer
than a dozen faithful Disciples left in the world of Kindred.
A recent convert from the Carthian Movement
by the name of Jerome Turner brought the philosophical
writings of the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin with him,
citing one particular quote to his fellow Acolytes: “Let
us put our trust in the eternal spirit which destroys and
annihilates only because it is the unsearchable and
eternally creative source of all life — the passion for
destruction is also a creative passion!” Turner’s impassioned
attempt at overlaying nihilist philosophy on the
truths of Kindred existence excited the attention of the
Disciples of Silence, and Turner was quickly (some now
say too quickly) initiated into their ranks.
Before long, Turner brought his vision of “Nihilist
Silence” to the faction and beyond, openly preaching a
peculiarly materialist version of their beliefs. He adopted
and integrated the writings of mortal philosophers such
as Nietzsche, Stirner and Heidegger, relating them to
packs of recently Embraced “new Kindred” and attracting
them to the Circle. Exiled from his home domain
(at the behest of his own Hierophant), Turner found
his way to a new home in Morocco, where his teachings
continued. Once he’d gathered a significant number of
followers, he proclaimed himself Hierophant of that
domain, sparking a battle with the previously entrenched
Acolytes. Turner’s viciousness and the suicidal tactics of
his adherents took the older vampires by surprise, and
the new Disciples of Silence won the battle.
The new iteration of the Disciples of Silence taught
the calm and purpose of the cult’s original adherents, but
added a futility and strangely godless mysticism to the
mix. To these Disciples, the universe was not founded
by a creative Crone, but came to exist of its own accord,
without meaning or purpose. There is no cycle of
creation and destruction, they argue — only the steady
decay of all sense and matter, and the hopeless mortal
urge to stave it off by building illusory structures. The act
of creation, absent in the workings of the older Disciples,
was returned to significance — but only to demonstrate
the act’s futility. Every member of the faction was instructed
to put every effort into the creation of “great
works,” only to arrange the destruction of their own
accomplishments as a manner of fueling ritual magicks.
Meditation was eliminated from their practice as no less
futile than prayer to a goddess that does not exist.
Turner encouraged his followers to travel as emulation of
his tribulation on the road to Morocco, and then to preach
his ways to the Acolytes of the Circle or anyone else who
was willing to listen. Just before scattering, they rose up and
murdered him, demonstrating the fulfillment of his lessons
and their “graduation” to individual understanding.
In the nights of the 20th century, the new Disciples have
spread from domain to domain, turning a surprising number
of converts (as assisted by the prevailing sentiment of many
Kindred in the wake of the great world wars) and spreading
their godless brand of Crúac. In response, the older Disciples
have attempted to denounce the new sub-faction in a bid to
disown its followers. Because of the Disciples’ secretive past,
they have met with little success. Many vampires believe
that the Disciples were always a murderous atheist cult, and
are only now growing bold enough to admit it openly.
Recently, there has been more than one attempted
resurgence of the old ways of the Silent Void, but the
new Disciples have carefully and mercilessly extinguished
them. Where these attempts are coming from and whether
they can be totally silenced is yet to be discovered.

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