“Should Anarchists Vote?” is the Wrong Question

by Wayne Price

As I write this, we are moving ever closer to U.S. Election Day November 2024. (Although if this is read after that election, the issues discussed should still be relevant.) The small number of people who regard themselves as anarchists are discussing whether to vote. From Michael Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin in the late 19th century onward, revolutionary anarchists have rejected participation in elections.

In the words of Kropotkin, “The anarchists refuse to be a party to the present state organization and to support it by infusing fresh blood into it. They do not seek to constitute, and invite the workingmen not to to constitute, political parties in the parliaments….They have endeavored to promote their ideas directly among the labor organizations and to induce those unions to a direct struggle against capital….” (2002; p. 287)

This is based on the central insight that the state is not neutral. By its nature, it serves the rich and powerful in their exploitation and oppression of the people. This state machinery cannot be used to peacefully and “democratically” create a free socialist democracy. Anarchists believe that capitalism and its state must be overturned, abolished, and replaced with cooperative, self-managed, alternate institutions. They should not be strengthened by joining in sham rituals of limited democracy.

Yet here we have a presidential election in which one candidate (the Republican Donald Trump) is arguably much more evil than the other (the Democrat Kamala Harris). Should anarchists vote for the lesser evil for once?

Many Marxists are also in a pickle. From Karl Marx on, their strategy has been to create a workers’ party in opposition to all capitalist parties, from liberal to conservative. Many Marxists, at least those influenced by Trotskyism, have opposed ever voting for capitalist parties. Yet here they are facing two capitalist parties, one which is in the bourgeois center and the other is quasi-fascist. Should they vote for the moderate capitalist candidate? (Also, libertarian-autonomist Marxists generally reject voting and are in a similar bind as the anarchists.)

However, when discussing this (and previous) elections with friends, co-workers, and family, I do not try to persuade them not to vote for the lesser evil Democrats. I don’t much care. One or a few individual votes does not make much difference. The votes of a small number of radicals do not have much of an impact. This is especially true for most U.S. citizens, due to the archaic and undemocratic Electoral College system. Only a minority live in the six or so “battleground states.” For everyone else, their votes are irrelevant; the fix is in. (For example, I live in New York State, whose electoral college votes will certainly go to the Democrats.)

Instead, I try to get others to agree that the lesser evil is indeed evil. Since it is hard for people to admit to themselves that they are supporting an evil, there is a tendency for liberals, after a while, to persuade themselves that the lesser evil, while not perfect, is really pretty good.

Liberals claim that there are various positive programs for which the Biden-Harris administration can take credit. True or not, these must be put alongside the mass murder being carried out in Gaza by the Israeli government, paid for and armed by the U.S. state. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been indiscriminently killed. This is only one activity of the enormous US military-industrial complex, endorsed by both parties, including hundreds of overseas military bases and enough nuclear bombs to exterminate humanity. Not to mention the immigration policies of the Democratic administration. It worked out a “bipartisan” immigration bill which accepted the most repressive aspects of the Republican program. The bill only failed when Trump denounced it, being unwilling to let the Democrats get credit. The extent of economic inequality and regional stagnation has increased—major factors in pushing white workers toward Trumpism. And the Biden-Harris government has presided over a vast expansion of US gas and oil production, further attacking the biosphere. The Democrats talk a good game about ending global warming, but their policies are inadequate and will eventually lead to the destruction of industrial civilization. The lesser evil is still plenty evil.

The Real Question is Mass Strategy

The important question is not what a small number of isolated radicals should do on election day. It is what revolutionary anarchists should advocate for the large organizations, communities, and movements: the unions, the African-American community, Latinx people, immigrants, Arab-Americans, organized women, LGBTQ people, environmentalists, anti-war activists, etc., etc. Overwhelmingly such forces follow a strategy of organizing for the Democratic Party, providing it with money and personnel. They are the “base” of the Democrats, without whom the party would collapse. (In the U.S. system, neither party has an actual membership.)

What anarchists and other radicals should advocate is that these groupings cease spending money and people on the Democrats and adopt an alternate, non-electoral, strategy of direct action.

Overall the liberal strategy (also carried out by democratic socialists and Communists) has not worked out very well. Since the end of World War II, conservative presidents and Congresses have been followed by more-or-less liberal/moderate presidents, to great rejoicing by progressives and reformists. But these have never resulted in stable progressive change. Time after time, these liberal/moderate administrations have been followed by ever-more reactionary governments.

Kennedy-Johnson was followed by Nixon. Carter was followed by Reagan and then the first Bush. Clinton was followed by the second Bush. Obama was followed by Trump, so far the worst of all. The election of Biden did not stop the growth of Trumpism and its complete takeover of the Republican Party. Even if Trump is defeated in November 2024, the far-right semi-fascist movement will continue to grow. It will threaten to come to power in the not-so-distant future. Over time, the greater evil cannot be defeated by a lesser evil. Only a radical alternative can do that.

The main policy of the “democratic socialists” (social democrats, reformist state socialists) has been to work in the Democratic Party. They hope to take it over, or at least to take over a section. This is the program of Bernie Sanders or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and most of the Democratic Socialists of America. Instead, it is they who have been taken over, grumbling about the Biden-Harris genocide in Gaza but powerless to make real change in the government. They are stuck supporting a government of mass murder—as the lesser evil.

Some radicals criticize the Democratic Party, for good reasons. They wish to replace this party of capitalism, imperialism, racism, and ecological catastrophe with a new party. This might be called a labor party, or a progressive party, or a Green Party, or a people’s party. It might start from scratch or be broken off from the Democrats.

The implication is that the problem is the Democratic Party in itself, rather than the electoral system of the capitalist state. But building a new party in the U.S. would be extremely difficult—by no accident. The vast amount of money needed, the Electoral College, the gerrymandering of districts, the number of signatures to get on the ballot, the dirty tricks of the two established parties, the differing election cycles for different positions—all these and more make a successful new party virtually impossible. The last time it happened was the creation of the Republican Party over the slavery issue, as the country was on the verge of a civil war.

In any case, the various advocates of some kind of new party have rarely examined the history of socialist electoralism. There is a long history of independent socialist parties running in elections in Europe and elsewhere. As anarchists predicted, the elected socialist representatives invariably adapted to the political milieu of the government. They made deals and became chummy with their bourgeois counterparts, becoming bourgeois politicians themselves.

Whenever these parties came close to real power, the capitalists have squelched them. Businesses have gone on “capital strikes,” refusing to invest in the country and shutting down industry. They have spent large sums on conservative parties. They have subsidized fascist gangs. They have promoted military coups. Social democrats have been forced to capitulate or be overthrown. From the early social democrats to the rise of European fascism to the history of socialists in France, Chile, Greece (Syriza), Venezuela, and so on, electoral strategies have never worked to move toward a new society. Yet each time there is an upswing of the left, reformist socialists treat an electoral approach as a brand-new brilliant idea.

If Not Elections, Then What?

The liberals and democratic socialists asked: If not elections, then what? How will the people assert power against the ruling elites? Or are you waiting for the Great Day, the Final Revolution, which will solve all our problems? What do we do in the meantime?

Anarchists too are for improvements in the lives of ordinary people. Anarchists are not for waiting for the revolution, which is not around the corner. The fight for reforms may cause people to have better lives in the here and now. Even if such fights were to fail, at times, working people may learn lessons about who their real enemies are and how to fight them. But revolutionary anarchists do not advocate attempts to use elections and party politics to gain improvements. What then?

Errico Malatesta argued that “what little good…is done by elected bodies…is really the effect of popular pressure, to which the rulers concede what little they think is necessary to calm the people….[Electionists] compare what is done in the electoral struggle with what would happen if nothing were done; while instead they should compare the results obtained from…the ballot box with those obtained when other methods are followed, and with what might be achieved if all effort used to send representatives to power…were [instead] employed in the fight to directly achieve what is desired.” (Malatesta 2019; p. 179)

To repeat the previous quotation from Kropotkin, anarchists “have endeavored to promote their ideas directly among the labor organizations and to induce those unions to a direct struggle against capital.”

Consider major movements in U.S. history: In the thirties and afterward, workers won union recognition in major industries. They did this through huge strikes, occupations of factories, and fighting with scabs, vigilantes, police, and the national guard. The New Deal instituted social security and other welfare benefits due to this mass pressure from below.

In the fifties and sixties, African-Americans won the end of legal Jim Crow and racist terror. They engaged in boycotts, mass “civil disobedience” (law breaking), demonstrations, and urban rebellions (“riots”). The right to vote, desegregation, anti-discrimination laws, and anti-poverty programs were achieved through these struggles from below.

The movement against the U.S. war in Vietnam included huge demonstrations, draft resistance, civil disobedience, university occupations and strikes, and a virtual mutiny in the military. (And, of course, the military fight of the Vietnamese people.)

Meanwhile there was an upsurge in labor, including organizing unions and strikes in health care and for public employees, as well as wildcat strikes in key industries (such as the post office).

The LGBTQ movement exploded with the Christopher Street rebellion. It included the later ACT-UP civil disobedience to fight against public inaction on AIDS. The women’s liberation movement developed in the context of these popular struggles and radicalization.

Periods of radicalization have died down. The unions became integrated into the system, heavily reliant on the Democratic Party. Legal segregation was ended—although African-Americans were still on the bottom of U.S. society. The U.S. state withdrew from Vietnam—although imperialism and war continue. The Black movement became co-opted by the Democrats and so were the remnants of the anti-war movement. The Democratic party served as the “graveyard of movements.”

However, the lessons remain, that real victories can be won through popular mass movements and direct action, outside of the electoral trap. The growth of union militancy in recent years and the pro-Palestinian movement on and off university campuses, give hope for the future. One general strike in a big city could change national politics. There is no road to anti-state socialism except through the mass action of the people.

Is It Fascism Yet?

Every election cycle, liberals are prone to shout that “fascism is coming!” unless the Republicans are defeated. Are they right this time? There is widespread fear, spread by liberals, and even not-so-liberal Democrats, that the election of Trump would be the replacement of U.S. democracy by a fascist-like dictatorship. On the other hand, among the far-left, there are those who argue that there really is no significant difference between the two capitalist parties. However there are other alternatives between overt fascism and there being no important differences.

In my opinion, there is little likelihood that a Trump victory would quickly install a regime on the model of classical European fascism. That would require declaring Trump president-for-life, cancelling all further elections, outlawing all other parties including the Democrats, suspending the Constitution, and arming a uniformed vigilante movement similar to Hitler’s Storm Troopers or Mussolini’s Black Shirts.

Business people do not want this; after all they are making a lot of money under the current arrangement. (Most of business—now called “the donor class”—backs the Democrats in recent elections.) There is widespread unrest but not enough to make the bosses feel threatened in their wealth. The rest of the establishment, in and out of government, does not want overt fascism—including the “intelligence community” (national police forces) and the top military brass. It is impossible to make a successful coup without the support of the people with money and the people with guns. And at least half of the population does not want this.
More likely is a creeping authoritarianism, keeping the forms of political democracy while emptying them of content. It will tend toward Victor Orban’s Hungary rather than Hitler’s Third Reich.

“What we are likely to see is a lingering fascism of less murderous intensity, which, when in power, does not necessarily do away with all the forms of bourgeois democracy, does not necessarily physically annihilate the opposition, and may even allow itself to get voted out of power occasionally. [As recently happened in Poland—WP] But since its successor government…will also be incapable of alleviating the crisis, the fascist elements are likely to return to power as well.” (Patnaik & Patnaik 2019; p. 29)

Some say that there is no cause for worry, since the U.S. has gone through periods of right-wing repression and came out okay. For example, in the ‘fifties, after World War II, the U.S. was swept by anti-communist hysteria. This was led by Joe McCarthy, J. Edgar Hoover, the House Un-American Committee, and many more. The Democrats, from President Truman to the liberals, participated in it, instituting loyalty programs and political purges of government employees (including J. Robert Oppenheimer). People lost jobs in the civil service, schools, universities, unions, the entertainment industry, and elsewhere. Meanwhile the Southern states had legal racial segregation, violently enforced by the police and by the Ku Klux Klan. But eventually this repressive politics was cracked by the Civil Rights Movement and the anti-Vietnam War movement.

However, the fifties and sixties were the period of the “post-war boom,” a big upswing of prosperity, at least for many white people in the U.S. The improvement in living standards made it unnecessary for the rulers to give up the advantages of political democracy (advantages for them), despite the upheavals of “the sixties.”

Today the system confronts deeper crises. On a world scale capitalism is brittle and conflicted. There are wars raging in various places. The U.S. economy, while relatively stronger than the rest of the world for the moment, is in decline. Inequality is worse than ever, there is stagnation in large parts of the system, and it maintains profits by pumping out vast amounts of oil and gas—thus dooming industrial society. The unhappiness and discontent of large sections of the lower middle class and white working class has reached dangerous proportions. People are looking for solutions. Without a significant radical movement, these layers of the population look to the far-right. They are open to blaming Latinx and Muslim immigrants for their problems. They become willing to listen to demagogues such as Trump, who promise to lead them to a mythical land of white supremacy, Christian dominance, and patriotic greatness.

How a few radicals, of various persuasions, vote or do not vote in November is not the important issue. The question is whether it is possible to develop an independent movement of movements, of the working class and all those oppressed and threatened by this disastrous system, to oppose the capitalists, their establishment, their state, and all their systems of oppression. It is whether a revolutionary anti-authoritarian wing of these movements can be organized to fight for a free society.

References

Kropotkin, Peter (2002). “Anarchism” [from the Encyclopedia Britannica]. Anarchism; A Collection of Revolutionary Writings. (Roger Baldwin, ed.) Mineola NY: Dover Publications. Pp. 284—300.
Malatesta, Errico (2019). “Towards Anarchy” Malatesta in America 1899—1900. The Complete Works of Malatesta. Vol. IV. (Davide Turcato, ed.). Chico CA: AK Press.
Paitnaik, Utsa, & Paitnaik, Prabhat (2019). “Neoliberal Capitalism at a Dead End.” Monthly Review, vol. 71, no. 3. Pp. 20—31.

Comments

anon (not verified) Fri, 08/09/2024 - 09:05

"Yet here we have a presidential election in which one candidate (the Republican Donald Trump) is arguably much more evil than the other (the Democrat Kamala Harris). Should anarchists vote for the lesser evil for once?"

Radlibs have been making "lesser evil" arguments like this for every single US election I've been able to follow. People like the author don't even challenge the premises that 1) D is less bad than R, 2) your vote can make a difference as to which party gets in power, 3) thanks to 1) & 2) your vote can help reduce the amount of evil the US government carries out. AKA, "harm reduction" voting. This is nonsense. Some reasons why are collected here.

https://types.mataroa.blog/blog/dont-voted/

It's well established in the US that the votes of the electorate have little if any effect on what policies are carried out.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives-on-politics/articl…

The author is generally right to argue "The question is whether it is possible to develop an independent movement", but whether or not anarchists & adjacent political radicals believe voting is worth a shot is closely related to that question. If some electoral third party gained momentum & caught the energies of many people who refuse to vote D or R, it would almost certainly be a vehicle for cooptation. Any political organization, "party" or not, that poses a real threat to the continued existence of the US would likely be uninterested in national electoral politics & almost certainly would be banned from making any serious gains there even if it was.

This is tied to the author's general erasure of the invader colonial context of the US national project. The possibility of *ending* the government isn't even raised. Despite its Marxist-Leninist orientation, Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat has a clearer view of the potentials & pitfalls of the "classical" labor movement in this regard.

https://readsettlers.org/

Wayne Price (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 12:48

In reply to by anon (not verified)

"Fuck Voting" Anon does not seem to have read my little essay very carefully. You write, "People like the author don't even challenge the premises that 1) D is less bad than R, 2) your vote can make a difference...." Actually I specifically argue against #2, this being the reason I don't care if individual anarchists vote or not. Our main disagreement is over #1. Several other comments make the same statement.

To argue that the Dems are not really less bad than the Repubs, seems absurd. It is saying that living under fascist or Stalinist totalitarianism is not really worse than living under bourgeois democracy. Worse in the sense that radicals cannot organize outselves or talk to others, unions cannot be formed or strike, African-Americans cannot demonstrate, anti-war activists cannot protest wars, and, in general, most of us would be in jail. This does not mean supporting bourgeois democracy, but it does mean recognizing reality.

The only counter-argument is that the "lesser evil" of bourgeois democracy is still an evil (rule by the capitalist class through the national state). But I have a whole paragraph in which I argue that the "lesser evil" is still an evil, and that this must be argued. I further argue, in detail, that the strategy of voting for the liberal/moderate Democrats has not prevented the rise of conservative and far-right Republicanism.

You claim that "The possibility of *ending* the government isn't even raised." Gee, I thought that I wrote that anarchists believed that the state should be overturned, abolished, and replaced with cooperative alternate institutions.

It is true that I believe anarchists should (and could) work to win over the majority of the U.S. (and world) working class, despite its current conservatism. This is the majority of the U.S. population. If you think that this is impossible, despite the crises which are developing in capitalist society, then you are giving up on the possibility of overturning capitalism and its state.

Waybe Price (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 13:46

In reply to by Wayne Price (not verified)

Do I want to rip off the heads of all those whomst oppose me and shit down their necks for the self-determination of the working people of Ukraine by any means? Yes.
Wayne

anon (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 15:19

In reply to by Wayne Price (not verified)

1) here is being framed incorrectly. Radicals in the US have generally been able to organize, unionize, strike, protest, & so on under Democrats, Republicans, & others. At times when they haven't, this hasn't been primarily a result of which party is in power. The same is true under "totalitarian" states: the ability of opponents of the state to organize has been largely dependent on the structure of the state as a whole—not which political faction leads it, which, as under liberal republics, isn't something those radicals have a say on. It's playing into the self-justifying lies of the republic to treat the empty suit a party puts up for an election as synonymous with the massive bureaucratic, industrial, & repressive processes which actually determine the conditions of daily life.

Your assessment of these freedoms also entirely ignores that nation states, particularly ones like the US, also rule people outside their borders. The US is a primary backer of a variety of governments where radical activity is much more heavily repressed than in the US; to describe the US as relatively free is not only to misread the "domestic" context but to ignore the larger picture entirely.

Merely mentioning that anarchists believe there shouldn't be a state is no more raising the possibility of doing something about it than mentioning a Christian belief in Judgment Day raises the possibility of how they should prepare for it.

As to the last paragraph—your Yankee majoritarianism—majorities aren't necessary for decisive action, even if large organized groups are. Especially in the context of a globe-spanning military empire, there may be far more partisans to be found among those who already understand themselves as being subjugated by it than those who side with the conquerors, like the white US majority. I'm not a workerist, but if I were I'd rather emphasize the global working class & leaving the US labor aristocracy in parentheses. I think this also aligns better with US labor history, where the white majority was at its most revolutionary when it was largely composed of non-Anglo immigrants who weren't so patriotic or fiercely hostile to non-whites under US rule as they have typically been. All of which is demonstrated in the link at the end of the comment you replied to!

All this confident talk of the Dems as "lesser evil" can't meaningfully parse why it was under Reagan that an Israeli massacre was ended with a phone call or undocumented immigrants were granted legal status en masse. Either he was actually a secret Democrat; Republicans are the "lesser evil" at times; or something else is going on.

eleccod (not verified) Fri, 08/09/2024 - 11:40

So not even democracy-lover Wayne Price argues for anarchists to vote. Not a good look for the harm reduction crowd.

anon (not verified) Fri, 08/09/2024 - 23:27

In reply to by eleccod (not verified)

I think by denying it’s not “the real question” and calling the Ds “less evil” than the “quasi-fascist” Rs he is making a really halfassed and backhanded argument to vote D.

anon (not verified) Fri, 08/09/2024 - 13:41

The United States is in accelerating irreversible decline. This social order is circling the drain.  The once large expanding aspirational middle class, a bulwark of political torpor and social peace, is fast disappearing. With the exception of the U.K. the U.S. has a more extreme inequality of wealth distribution than what’s seen in other advanced industrialized nations and in this serves as a model for a relentless upward redistribution of wealth for the exploiter classes of other First World nations. We endure mass impoverishment and attendant social ills on a scale not seen in other industrialized societies. No political or economic mechanisms of the reigning market order will slow this down or reverse this. The United States is owned and ruled by an awe-inspiringly incompetent, venal and short-sighted elite and more importantly than anything else liberal democracy no longer commands the political and emotional allegiance of the vast majority of the populace.

In abolishing historical consciousness among the people they exploit and rule, the rich and their political, academic and media servants have also largely abolished it among themselves. This is going to pay substantial negative dividends. A decades-long relentless upward redistribution of wealth has not been an intelligent long-term survival strategy for the owners and rulers of the United States. Some of the sharpest among them know this. In a lengthy piece in the January 2017 New Yorker, the co-founder and CEO of Reddit, valued at that point at 600 million dollars, is quoted as being “concerned about basic American political stability and the risk of large-scale unrest.”

...awkward conversations have been unfolding in some financial circles. Robert H. Dugger worked as a lobbyist for the financial industry before he became a partner at the global hedge fund Tudor Investment Corporation, in 1993. After 17 years, he retired to focus on philanthropy and his investments.

“Anyone who’s in this community knows people who are worried that America is heading toward something like the Russian Revolution…

(“Doomsday Prep for the Super-Rich,” Evan Osnos, The New Yorker, January 30, 2017)

There has never been a better time for subversion in capitalist America. The events in Chile in 2019, the Yellow Vests in France and Occupy in the U.S. all sprang into being quickly and unexpectedly; we have much to learn from here. And quickly doesn’t mean completely spontaneous. A small number of people -- I believe it was exactly one with the Yellow Vests -- try something new or something that isn’t completely new and something surprising bursts to life. Imagine a new movement quickly taking off like Occupy, but with sharp teeth and claws, emerging out of the most unglamorous everyday life concerns of mainstream wage-earners and not tailored to the entertainment needs and illusions of professional protesters, college students and lumpens.

The terrain of the mundane is the only one that matters.

These are optimal circumstances for the emergence of something akin to what the IWW of one hundred years ago was at its best: an anti-wage labor social movement of the wage-earning class -- and this time on an unprecedented mass scale. And, obviously, having learned the hard way from numerous social struggles in the 20th century, with a clear aggressive outside-of-and-against-the unions content to our efforts.

anon (not verified) Fri, 08/09/2024 - 13:54

In reply to by anon (not verified)

LOL you must be lost.
Every election year preppers and militia sadbois flock to anarchist spaces thinking we're be useful idiots or have things in common.
Get a blog, bozo.

lumpy (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 12:16

In reply to by anon (not verified)

completely agree and i might add, there's probably an inevitability to it, just a question of when the tipping point is reached

i recognize that people have been saying this from a marxist perspective for centuries but i'm convinced the unfolding climate collapse is the new multiplier and that's certainly not just my opinion. the weird part is having the psychopath analysts in the intelligence services draw the same conclusions. they know damned well and that's why they're building "cop cities"

it's the same logic as the finance raider bros who deliberately cannibalize and debt leverage huge companies, pillage, sell everything off, declare bankruptcy and then turn around and buy up all the rental real estate so normal people have to pay them hyper-inflated rents - it's like that but applied to the entire damned economy, squeeze the last bit of juice before the wheels come right off

"optimal circumstances" looks quite grim for normal people and when everyone's finally getting mad, the fascist pied pipers are playing their siren songs, looking to bait everyone in to fighting each other

anon (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 15:50

In reply to by lumpy (not verified)

Yes, but then the question becomes: what kind of sustained, credible, public and readily visible to all the world, mass collective responses can take off in a big way and make all the difference here? Some of the tools of the classical workers movement aren't of use anymore. And a different version of some of them might be.

lumpy (not verified) Sun, 08/11/2024 - 14:08

In reply to by anon (not verified)

HA! and here is where we part ways anon stranger, you won't catch me smoking that particular pipe but I respect your choice to continue to do so

Tristram (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 22:52

In reply to by anon (not verified)

I can get more than half of the US population to rise up against their oppressors with just one election promise. ---- " If you vote for me, I will give you for free 3 x quarter pounder and chips every day for as long as I am President."

anon (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 21:15

False debate, and a fucking boring one. Why not talk about the Olympic games? Oh wait...

The huge numbers of Americans not voting are those to be listened to... on why they don't care about this stuff. Democracy is gangsta politics... before every election they *farm* voters for the gang(s) that gathered the more power internally.

anon (not verified) Sat, 08/10/2024 - 21:41

How can I screw up so bad. More old-school jazz and sex reports please.

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