If you come to Greece during Christmas, you’ll find piles of walnut-crusted melomakarona cookies; buttery, snow-white kourambiethes; caramelized pork; and a yeasted bread called christopsomo. It’s all delicious, but be careful what you pick off the supermarket shelves during your holiday shopping—some products may have been poisoned by anarchists.
From It's Going Down by Ami du Radical
Errico Malatesta wrote that an organ of the State, deprived of its original function, will either wither and die or, when possible, construct a new function for itself. “A police force where there are no crimes to solve or criminals to apprehend,” he said, “will invent both, or cease to exist.” As we speak, this eventuality is fast approaching the political landscape of so-called America.
From Fifth Estate # 399, Fall, 2017 by Bill Weinberg
A former community center that hosted a youth rock scene is now being occupied by activists, seemingly ignored by the authorities. A few blocks away, urban farms are bright patches of green in the landscape, producing vegetables and fruits for the community.
Oakland? Detroit? Manhattan’s Lower East Side?
Nope. This is Havana.
[Content warning: In addition to transphobia in the abstract, this piece discusses harassment, violence and abuse. Some sources linked to for reference purposes feature transphobic abuse and slurs.]
Transphobia is a class issue. By this I mean that in a class society that is also deeply transphobic, it is impossible to talk about transphobia in a meaningful way without also talking about class. Trans people are more likely, all other things being equal, than our cis peers to fall into the most exploited and oppressed sections of the working class and the extent to which transphobia will negatively affect any given trans person’s life will be mediated by their economic class. This article is not intended to be a comprehensive analysis of every aspect of this issue, but to contribute to an ongoing conversation around it and illustrate a class struggle perspective on transgender issues.
We believe that bylaws are an important tool for use in organizing for radical social change and their possible arrangements constitute a political decision. Governing structures must open up possibilities for political action and engagement, rather than foreclose them. The proposed sample bylaws seem to both insulate local leadership from accountability to the general membership and stifle initiative from the rank and file. This may or may not have been intentional on the part of whoever drafted them—they appear, for instance, to essentially mimic large portions of these boilerplate NGO bylaws—but regardless of their specific intentions, their effect if implemented would be to undermine the grassroots vitality of our organization.
This analysis was developed by ongoing discussions among members of the Black Rose / Rosa Negra (BRRN) Anarchist Federation’s Analysis and Strategy Committee and sent as a discussion document to our August 2017 convention, where it generated deep discussion and further feedback. It is organized into four sections: an analysis of ruling class power, an analysis of social movements, a statement of basic organizing principles in light of the current moment, and some suggestions for the federation moving forward.
For some years now the issue of gentrification has been at the core of different actions and struggles with the involvement of anarchists around Europe. These changes in neighbourhoods driven by capitalist profit-seeking or statist management are very visible since they are taking place in central areas of cities. Regularly, these are areas where anarchists and their projects or the ones from an alternative or radical movement had carved out a space outside and/or against the dominant logic. This is easily understandable because these areas were deemed not interesting enough or too difficult for the usual power brokers (although not sheltered from capitalist or authoritarian logic) and thus through the cracks some weeds popped up. But these areas are resuscitating a renewed interest.
Without individuals dreaming, scheming, and turning their thoughts into action, nothing happens. Protest organizers are not special; they imagine a situation they want to bring to life and invite others to help them make it happen. The same is true for any anarchist endeavor involving more than one person. Gardens, attacks, fundraisers, occupations, bands, they’re all the result of people deciding to make their own realities. The constant process of thinking and acting without being told what to do is what makes anarchy possible. Some people call this autonomy, and without it anarchy is impossible.