
From Confederation of Revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalists (KRAS)
July 8, 2025
In early June, Cuba was gripped by a widespread and previously unprecedented student protest against rising telecommunications fees. On May 30, the state-owned telephone company Etecsa raised internet rates. In response, students attempted to organize a general strike.
Previously, 16 gigabytes of data cost 950 pesos. Now, the "basic plan" of 6 gigabytes per month costs 360 pesos. An additional 3 gigabytes costs 3,360 pesos, an additional 7 gigabytes costs 6,720 pesos, and 15 gigabytes costs 11,760 pesos. Additionally, additional packages were also sold in foreign currency: 16 gigabytes for 30 US dollars. It's worth noting that internet usage in Cuba is higher than in other countries in the region: an average of 10 gigabytes per user (https://amerika21.de/2025/06/275568/internet-tarife-kuba-proteste).
The new prices have been a heavy blow to the island's poor population, which is experiencing a severe economic crisis. Internet tariff increases and similar measures, as noted in a solidarity article with Cuban students published by the Argentine network Izquierda Web and reprinted by the Cuban communist opposition (Against the Restoration of Capitalism in Cuba and for World Revolution), "are part of a hidden austerity policy, in the style of a classic 'neoliberal' policy" (https://www.comunistascuba.org/2025/06/la-juventud-cubana-del-11j-al-pa…).
The new measure sparked the greatest outrage among students, who simply cannot study without accessible internet. They demanded dialogue with company representatives and government officials. On June 3, Etecsa's president announced additional concessions for students, including an additional 6 gigabytes per month and a service package priced below 3,360 pesos (https://amerika21.de/2025/06/275568/internet-tarife-kuba-proteste). However, the students rejected these concessions, demanding a complete halt to price increases and genuine dialogue. They declared that they were not driven by narrow corporate interests: the company's actions violate the interests of the entire nation. "We completely reject these (concessions), considering them insufficient and taking into account only students, excluding the rest of Cuban society," read, for example, a statement from medical students in Cienfuegos.
The first to revolt was the Faculty of Mathematics and Computer Science at the University of Havana. Students demanded that the company and authorities rescind the tuition hike and hold an "open meeting" of all students with those responsible for the measure, announcing they would cease attending all educational activities starting June 4. They were joined by students from the faculties of Arts and Letters, Philosophy and Sociology, Audiovisual Communications, Design, Biology, and other fields. From the capital, the protests spread to other universities across the country—in Las Villas, Matanzas, Cienfuegos, Santiago de Cuba, Bayamo, Holguín, and Santa Clara. Declarations addressed to university authorities became increasingly radical in tone.
Since neither the faculty leadership nor the official FEU Student Federation supported the protest, students resorted to self-organization: they convened general meetings, took control of the Federation's grassroots organizations, and created coordinating bodies. Calls for a general student strike began to circulate. University leadership responded with threats to expel those who protested. Students at the Higher Institute of Design, in their statement on June 6, called these threats an act of "institutional violence," "ideological censorship," and "the suppression of critical thinking." They proclaimed: "The university is not the property of any authority." "...Being revolutionary," they hurled at the authorities, "does not mean repeating dry slogans. It means listening, respecting, and building together. It means advocating for social justice, not entrepreneurial opportunism."
Students in the Communication and Literature Department at the University of Holguin declared an indefinite strike effective June 7th until the price hike is lifted. They announced "permanent assemblies" at the department to "organize resistance" and coordinate their actions with other academic centers. "We are not a privileged minority; we are the voice of a people tired of paying for inefficiency," they declared, echoing the sentiment expressed by the mathematics students: "We are fighting for social justice, not handouts."
The students' protest was supported by sociology professors, the Assembly of Cuban Filmmakers, and the trade union of workers at the cultural institution "House of the Americas."
A Cuban anarchist we asked to comment on the situation explained the situation: "The state is arguing like a classic capitalist corporation, so far using the example of a single corporation. After all, it's clear to everyone that Etecsa is backed by GAESA (the Group of Entrepreneurial Administration of the Armed Forces), and behind it are the military, the party apparatus, and the state nomenklatura as a whole." "The strike at the University of Havana is taking place. Assemblies are underway (...) In response to the initial student protests, they gave a break: we'll let you deposit double the amount (for your phone) plus free Wi-Fi at the universities (the students' initial argument was that you can't download anything properly with such internet). But the students responded: we don't take handouts, this isn't about us, it's about everyone, and anyway, show us the bills where the Etecsa currency was spent. For now (the students) are only downloading social media, without politics. That's good. Students majoring in economics, communications, and law are rolling out alternative analyses of the current situation. The main thing is to hold the assemblies together. The government's failure is self-evident, requiring no proof. "The strike is sluggish, but it's happening... The nomenklatura is trying to co-opt. The students have varied positions. Their lack of experience is showing. It reminds me of London in 2018, but even that's huge for Cuba! The University of Havana is empty." "The best thing, in my opinion, is the almost complete absence of liberal slogans."
The Cuban president acknowledged the seriousness of the situation but refused to reverse the price hike. Faced with unprecedented protests, the government opted for a more cunning tactic. University officials identified leaders of the movement; some were offered bribes, while others were threatened with "trouble" for their families. A "dialogue table" was simultaneously organized with a group of specially selected students, resulting in a statement issued on behalf of the student body, in line with the official line, but at the same time creating the impression of "openness" and a willingness on the part of the authorities to listen to public opinion.
According to analyst Carolina Barrero, this tactic is an example of how to regulate dissent: isolate the true leaders, co-opt the moderates, and stage a spectacle of "reconciliation." Thus, within three weeks, the regime managed to stifle the protests without resorting to mass arrests (https://www.infobae.com/america/america-latina/2025/06/30/el-despertar-…).
However, one shouldn't assume that the youth's experience of self-organization and struggle will be wasted. Although the protests have ceased, the social networks and connections that emerged over these weeks remain. Students repeat: "Beyond fear lies the country we dream of."
Comments
Sounds like an attempt to…
God King Sun, 09/28/2025 - 00:17
Sounds like an attempt to fully control and monitor information that has been difficult for the Cuban authorities to monitor and control with the rise of internet access in Cuba. Raising the prices greatly for access to the internet does just that.
Of course the FEU opposed the strikes since they're basically just an arm of Cuba's government.
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