One of the major problems that anarchists wrestle with is what James C. Scott terms “legibility” - that is, “the state's attempt..to arrange the population in ways that simplif[y] the classic state functions of taxation, conscription, and prevention of rebellion”. For Scott, this attempt at simplification includes large-scale centrally planned projects like relocating peasants and developing the streets of Paris to prevent rioting as well as standardized measurements and the encouragement of crop systems that lend themselves more easily to being taxed.
via The Guardian
An annual book fair that has served for more than three decades as the most important meeting point for the British anarchist movement has become the latest casualty of widening splits over the issue of transgender rights.
Organisers say that they no longer have “the appetite or the energy” to stage next year’s London Anarchist Bookfair, following fraught scenes at the event last month. A group of feminists were confronted by other activists who accused them of distributing “transphobic” leaflets that promoted prejudice against transgender people
Free Radical Radio continues the tradition of weekly producing new content for your anarchist ears, and also brings some new content for your anarchist eyes.
First, a recording of Alyson Escalante’s Gender Nihilism: An Anti-Manifesto. Recorded and edited by Dirtroll.
Second, the first Free Radical Radio original writing, an essay on intellectual property.
Free Radical Radio is on a fucking roll and we won't stop until our rock hits the bottom, at which point we will push it back up this mountain, or maybe another one!
We share once again an essay, in translation, by Ruymán Rodríguez of the FAGC – Federación de Anarquistas Gran Canaria (alasbarricadas.org 26/03/2017). What follows is a critical reflection on what it means to be an anarchist, born of Rodríguez’s experience with the FAGC. To simply characterise his position as “anti-intellectual” would be, I believe, a mistake. It is rather a call to all who would assume the name “anarchist” to seriously think or re-think what that term means; indeed, it is to ask the question of whether the anarchist “identity” is of any relevance, and if so, in what way, with what meaning.
The election of Donald Trump has for many been an awakening to the growing historical potency and momentum of what we may accurately refer to as neofascism. Trump is not the first of this breed to gain state power, only the most flamboyantly obnoxious. Neofascists are driving the Russian chariot, successfully convinced the British public to approve Brexit, and have growing parliamentary strength throughout Europe. By paying lip service to the electoral process they are more subtle than their traditional forebears, while having all the same key characteristics: authoritarian nationalism, populist demagoguery, imperialist militarism, an appeal to xenophobia, and a cult of personality built around bombastic figureheads. There has been a groundswell of resistance inspired by Trump, but this has been more an instinctual reaction against smug neofascist hypocrisy than an expression of any coherent counternarrative. Ideologically the opposition is diverse, a smorgasbord popular front with liberal, centrist, and radical elements. Of these I would argue that the anarchists offer the most viable alt-left antifa narrative, because only they correctly diagnose government as the essential problem rather than looking to it for solutions.
The discussion below reflects an overview of the conditions experienced by individuals who are trying to liberate themselves from the system of social hypocrisy and the mentality of subordination. Our experience is still fragile, a newborn.
This is the podcast Dispossess where we explore the ideas, tendencies, ideologies, spooks, spirits, and other possessions and conversations that are relevant to the hosts of the show as providing for nourishing dialogue from the perspective of a non-ideological critique of civilization
For the four episode we will be discussing the subject of identity and exploring the tensions between individuality and identity.
The word anarchist has long been used to label various people and movements that often are and have been quite different from each other in their approaches, ideas and goals. People who have called themselves or been described by others as libertarians include individuals as diverse as Bakunin, Warren, Armand, Kropotkin, Michel, Stirner, Goldman, Mackay, Durruti, Arrigoni, Dolgoff, and Rothbard. What made all of these folks anarchists was their opposition to the state, to governments of all kinds. They all believed that the state was a pernicious force which crushed individual freedom and stood in the way of cooperation and mutual aid among equals. But their ideas about how to destroy or circumvent the state and their actions intended to accomplish their goals varied tremendously. Some were individualists who advocated private property, individual autonomy and free exchange, others social anarchists (communists, collectivists and/or syndicalists) who promoted workers’ solidarity, communal action and shared decision-making. Whatever their focus, however, these anarchists all advocated individual liberty side-by-side with voluntary social interactions among free people, with an emphasis on the primacy of one over the other based on temperament, experience, and the myriad other influences that contribute to the way we all form ideas and opinions.
The Manarchist is the best activist. He knows this in his heart. The Manarchist proposes the most radical actions, articulates the most meaningful theories. He alone is enlightened. We all must read Adorno, but only the Manarchist understands him properly.
The Manarchist loves women, and so does not need to listen to them. His position is a politics of entitlement, cis maleness, whiteness. His voice is louder, his words truer. His anarchist future is inevitable, drawn from books written by other white men. It is a superior vision. He knows more about any given topic than you, for he has a degree in it.